Comprehension. 1

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

I’ve been following the economic crisis for more than two years now. I began working on the subject as part of the background to a novel, and soon realized that I had stumbled across the most interesting story I’ve ever found. While I was beginning to work on it, the British bank Northern Rock blew up, and it became clear that, as I wrote at the time, “If our laws are not extended to control the new kinds of super-powerful, super-complex, and potentially super-risky investment vehicles, they will one day cause a financial disaster of global-systemic proportions.” . . . I was both right and too late, because all the groundwork for the crisis had already been done—though the sluggishness of the world’s governments, in not preparing for the great unraveling of autumn 2008, was then and still is stupefying. But this is the first reason why I wrote this book: because what’s happened is extraordinarily interesting. It is an absolutely amazing story, full of human interest and drama, one whose byways of mathematics, economics, and psychology are both central to the story of the last decades and mysteriously unknown to the general public. We have heard a lot about “the two cultures” of science and the arts—we heard a particularly large amount about it in 2009, because it was the fiftieth anniversary of the speech during which C. P. Snow first used the phrase. But I’m not sure the idea of a huge gap between science and the arts is as true as it was half a century ago—it’s certainly true, for instance, that a general reader who wants to pick up an education in the fundamentals of science will find it easier than ever before. It seems to me that there is a much bigger gap between the world of finance and that of the general public and that there is a need to narrow that gap, if the financial industry is not to be a kind of priesthood, administering to its own mysteries and feared and resented by the rest of us. Many bright, literate people have no idea about all sorts of economic basics, of a type that financial insiders take as elementary facts of how the world works. I am an outsider to finance and economics, and my hope is that I can talk across that gulf.

My need to understand is the same as yours, whoever you are. That’s one of the strangest ironies of this story: after decades in which the ideology of the Western world was personally and economically individualistic, we’ve suddenly been hit by a crisis which shows in the starkest terms that whether we like it or not—and there are large parts of it that you would have to be crazy to like—we’re all in this together. The aftermath of the crisis is going to dominate the economics and politics of our societies for at least a decade to come and perhaps longer.

Question. 1

According to the passage, the author is likely to be supportive of which one of the following programmes?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

All of the following, if true, could be seen as supporting the arguments in the passage, EXCEPT:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which one of the following best captures the main argument of the last paragraph of the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

Which one of the following, if true, would be an accurate inference from the first sentence of the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Which one of the following, if false, could be seen as supporting the author’s claims?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 2

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Mode of transportation affects the travel experience and thus can produce new types of travel writing and perhaps even new “identities.” Modes of transportation determine the types and duration of social encounters; affect the organization and passage of space and time; . . . and also affect perception and knowledge—how and what the traveler comes to know and write about. The completion of the first U.S. transcontinental highway during the 1920s . . . for example, inaugurated a new genre of travel literature about the United States—the automotive or road narrative. Such narratives highlight the experiences of mostly male protagonists “discovering themselves” on their journeys, emphasizing the independence of road travel and the value of rural folk traditions.

Travel writing’s relationship to empire building— as a type of “colonialist discourse”—has drawn the most attention from academicians. Close connections have been observed between European (and American) political, economic, and administrative goals for the colonies and their manifestations in the cultural practice of writing travel books. Travel writers’ descriptions of foreign places have been analyzed as attempts to validate, promote, or challenge the ideologies and practices of colonial or imperial domination and expansion. Mary Louise Pratt’s study of the genres and conventions of 18th- and 19th-century exploration narratives about South America and Africa (e.g., the “monarch of all I survey” trope) offered ways of thinking about travel writing as embedded within relations of power between metropole and periphery, as did Edward Said’s theories of representation and cultural imperialism. Particularly Said’s book, Orientalism, helped scholars understand ways in which representations of people in travel texts were intimately bound up with notions of self, in this case, that the Occident defined itself through essentialist, ethnocentric, and racist representations of the Orient. Said’s work became a model for demonstrating cultural forms of imperialism in travel texts, showing how the political, economic, or administrative fact of dominance relies on legitimating discourses such as those articulated through travel writing. . . .

Feminist geographers’ studies of travel writing challenge the masculinist history of geography by questioning who and what are relevant subjects of geographic study and, indeed, what counts as geographic knowledge itself. Such questions are worked through ideological constructs that posit men as explorers and women as travelers—or, conversely, men as travelers and women as tied to the home. Studies of Victorian women who were professional travel writers, tourists, wives of colonial administrators, and other (mostly) elite women who wrote narratives about their experiences abroad during the 19th century have been particularly revealing. From a “liberal” feminist perspective, travel presented one means toward female liberation for middle- and upper-class Victorian women. Many studies from the 1970s onward demonstrated the ways in which women’s gendered identities were negotiated differently “at home” than they were “away,” thereby showing women’s self-development through travel. The more recent poststructural turn in studies of Victorian travel writing has focused attention on women’s diverse and fragmented identities as they narrated their travel experiences, emphasizing women’s sense of themselves as women in new locations, but only as they worked through their ties to nation, class, whiteness, and colonial and imperial power structures.

Question. 1

According to the passage, Said’s book, “Orientalism”:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

American travel literature of the 1920s:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

From the passage, it can be inferred that scholars argue that Victorian women experienced self-development through their travels because:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

From the passage, we can infer that travel writing is most similar to:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

From the passage, we can infer that feminist scholars’ understanding of the experiences of Victorian women travellers is influenced by all of the following EXCEPT scholars':

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 3

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

174 incidents of piracy were reported to the International Maritime Bureau last year, with Somali pirates responsible for only three. The rest ranged from the discreet theft of coils of rope in the Yellow Sea to the notoriously ferocious Nigerian gunmen attacking and hijacking oil tankers in the Gulf of Guinea, as well as armed robbery off Singapore and the Venezuelan coast and kidnapping in the Sundarbans in the Bay of Bengal. For [Dr. Peter] Lehr, an expert on modern-day piracy, the phenomenon’s history should be a source of instruction rather than entertainment, piracy past offering lessons for piracy present. . . . 

But . . . where does piracy begin or end? According to St Augustine, a corsair captain once told Alexander the Great that in the forceful acquisition of power and wealth at sea, the difference between an emperor and a pirate was simply one of scale. By this logic, European empire-builders were the most successful pirates of all time. A more eclectic history might have included the conquistadors, Vasco da Gama and the East India Company. But Lehr sticks to the disorganised small fry, making comparisons with the renegades of today possible. 

The main motive for piracy has always been a combination of need and greed. Why toil away as a starving peasant in the 16th century when a successful pirate made up to £4,000 on each raid? Anyone could turn to freebooting if the rewards were worth the risk . . . .

Increased globalisation has done more to encourage piracy than suppress it. European colonialism weakened delicate balances of power, leading to an influx of opportunists on the high seas. A rise in global shipping has meant rich pickings for freebooters. Lehr writes: “It quickly becomes clear that in those parts of the world that have not profited from globalisation and modernisation, and where abject poverty and the daily struggle for survival are still a reality, the root causes of piracy are still the same as they were a couple of hundred years ago.” . . . 

Modern pirate prevention has failed. After the French yacht Le Gonant was ransomed for $2 million in 2008, opportunists from all over Somalia flocked to the coast for a piece of the action. . . . A consistent rule, even today, is there are never enough warships to patrol pirate-infested waters. Such ships are costly and only solve the problem temporarily; Somali piracy is bound to return as soon as the warships are withdrawn. Robot shipping, eliminating hostages, has been proposed as a possible solution; but as Lehr points out, this will only make pirates switch their targets to smaller carriers unable to afford the technology.

His advice isn’t new. Proposals to end illegal fishing are often advanced but they are difficult to enforce. Investment in local welfare put a halt to Malaysian piracy in the 1970s, but was dependent on money somehow filtering through a corrupt bureaucracy to the poor on the periphery. Diplomatic initiatives against piracy are plagued by mutual distrust: the Russians execute pirates, while the EU and US are reluctant to capture them for fear they’ll claim asylum. 

 

Question. 1

The author ascribes the rise in piracy today to all of the following factors EXCEPT:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

“Why toil away as a starving peasant in the 16th century when a successful pirate made up to £4,000 on each raid?” In this sentence, the author’s tone can best be described as being:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

We can deduce that the author believes that piracy can best be controlled in the long run:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

“A more eclectic history might have included the conquistadors, Vasco da Gama and the East India Company. But Lehr sticks to the disorganised small fry . . .” From this statement we can infer that the author believes that:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 4

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Few realise that the government of China, governing an empire of some 60 million people during the Tang dynasty (618–907), implemented a complex financial system that recognised grain, coins and textiles as money. . . . Coins did have certain advantages: they were durable, recognisable and provided a convenient medium of exchange, especially for smaller transactions. However, there were also disadvantages. A continuing shortage of copper meant that government mints could not produce enough coins for the entire empire, to the extent that for most of the dynasty’s history, coins constituted only a tenth of the money supply. One of the main objections to calls for taxes to be paid in coin was that peasant producers who could weave cloth or grow grain – the other two major currencies of the Tang – would not be able to produce coins, and therefore would not be able to pay their taxes. . . . 

As coins had advantages and disadvantages, so too did textiles. If in circulation for a long period of time, they could show signs of wear and tear. Stained, faded and torn bolts of textiles had less value than a brand new bolt. Furthermore, a full bolt had a particular value. If consumers cut textiles into smaller pieces to buy or sell something worth less than a full bolt, that, too, greatly lessened the value of the textiles. Unlike coins, textiles could not be used for small transactions; as [an official] noted, textiles could not “be exchanged by the foot and the inch” . . . 

But textiles had some advantages over coins. For a start, textile production was widespread and there were fewer problems with the supply of textiles. For large transactions, textiles weighed less than their equivalent in coins since a string of coins . . .  could weigh as much as 4 kg. Furthermore, the dimensions of a bolt of silk held remarkably steady from the third to the tenth century: 56 cm wide and 12 m long . . . The values of different textiles were also more stable than the fluctuating values of coins. . . .  

The government also required the use of textiles for large transactions. Coins, on the other hand, were better suited for smaller transactions, and possibly, given the costs of transporting coins, for a more local usage. Grain, because it rotted easily, was not used nearly as much as coins and textiles, but taxpayers were required to pay grain to the government as a share of their annual tax obligations, and official salaries were expressed in weights of grain. . . . 

In actuality, our own currency system today has some similarities even as it is changing in front of our eyes. . . . We have cash – coins for small transactions like paying for parking at a meter, and banknotes for other items; cheques and debit/credit cards for other, often larger, types of payments. At the same time, we are shifting to electronic banking and making payments online. Some young people never use cash [and] do not know how to write a cheque . . . 

Question. 1

During the Tang period, which one of the following would not be an economically sound decision for a small purchase in the local market that is worth one-eighth of a bolt of cloth?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

When discussing textiles as currency in the Tang period, the author uses the words “steady” and “stable” to indicate all of the following EXCEPT:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

According to the passage, the modern currency system shares all the following features with that of the Tang, EXCEPT that:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

In the context of the passage, which one of the following can be inferred with regard to the use of currency during the Tang era?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 5

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

For two years, I tracked down dozens of . . . Chinese in Upper Egypt [who were] selling lingerie. In a deeply conservative region, where Egyptian families rarely allow women to work or own businesses, the Chinese flourished because of their status as outsiders. They didn’t gossip, and they kept their opinions to themselves. In a New Yorker article entitled “Learning to Speak Lingerie,” I described the Chinese use of Arabic as another non-threatening characteristic. I wrote, “Unlike Mandarin, Arabic is inflected for gender, and Chinese dealers, who learn the language strictly by ear, often pick up speech patterns from female customers. I’ve come to think of it as the lingerie dialect, and there’s something disarming about these Chinese men speaking in the feminine voice.” . . .

When I wrote about the Chinese in the New Yorker, most readers seemed to appreciate the unusual perspective. But as I often find with topics that involve the Middle East, some people had trouble getting past the black-and-white quality of a byline. “This piece is so orientalist I don’t know what to do,” Aisha Gani, a reporter who worked at The Guardian, tweeted. Another colleague at the British paper, Iman Amrani, agreed: “I wouldn’t have minded an article on the subject written by an Egyptian woman—probably would have had better insight.” . . .

As an MOL (man of language), I also take issue with this kind of essentialism. Empathy and understanding are not inherited traits, and they are not strictly tied to gender and race. An individual who wrestles with a difficult language can learn to be more sympathetic to outsiders and open to different experiences of the world. This learning process—the embarrassments, the frustrations, the gradual sense of understanding and connection—is invariably transformative. In Upper Egypt, the Chinese experience of struggling to learn Arabic and local culture had made them much more thoughtful. In the same way, I was interested in their lives not because of some kind of voyeurism, but because I had also experienced Egypt and Arabic as an outsider. And both the Chinese and the Egyptians welcomed me because I spoke their languages. My identity as a white male was far less important than my ability to communicate.

And that easily lobbed word—“Orientalist”—hardly captures the complexity of our interactions. What exactly is the dynamic when a man from Missouri observes a Zhejiang native selling lingerie to an Upper Egyptian woman? . . . If all of us now stand beside the same river, speaking in ways we all understand, who’s looking east and who’s looking west? Which way is Oriental?

For all of our current interest in identity politics, there’s no corresponding sense of identity linguistics. You are what you speak—the words that run throughout your mind are at least as fundamental to your selfhood as is your ethnicity or your gender. And sometimes it’s healthy to consider human characteristics that are not inborn, rigid, and outwardly defined. After all, you can always learn another language and change who you are.

Question. 1

According to the passage, which of the following is not responsible for language’s ability to change us?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

The author’s critics would argue that:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

A French ethnographer decides to study the culture of a Nigerian tribe. Which of the following is most likely to be the view of the author of the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

Which of the following can be inferred from the author’s claim, “Which way is Oriental?”

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 6

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Around the world, capital cities are disgorging bureaucrats. In the post-colonial fervour of the 20th century, coastal capitals picked by trade-focused empires were spurned for “regionally neutral” new ones . . . . But decamping wholesale is costly and unpopular; governments these days prefer piecemeal dispersal. The trend reflects how the world has changed. In past eras, when information travelled at a snail’s pace, civil servants had to cluster together. But now desk-workers can ping emails and video-chat around the world. Travel for face-to-face meetings may be unavoidable, but transport links, too, have improved. . . .

Proponents of moving civil servants around promise countless benefits. It disperses the risk that a terrorist attack or natural disaster will cripple an entire government. Wonks in the sticks will be inspired by new ideas that walled-off capitals cannot conjure up. Autonomous regulators perform best far from the pressure and lobbying of the big city. Some even hail a cure for ascendant cynicism and populism. The unloved bureaucrats of faraway capitals will become as popular as firefighters once they mix with regular folk.

Beyond these sunny visions, dispersing central-government functions usually has three specific aims: to improve the lives of both civil servants and those living in clogged capitals; to save money; and to redress regional imbalances. The trouble is that these goals are not always realised.

The first aim—improving living conditions—has a long pedigree. After the second world war Britain moved thousands of civil servants to “agreeable English country towns” as London was rebuilt. But swapping the capital for somewhere smaller is not always agreeable. Attrition rates can exceed 80%. . . . The second reason to pack bureaucrats off is to save money. Office space costs far more in capitals. . . . Agencies that are moved elsewhere can often recruit better workers on lower salaries than in capitals, where well-paying multinationals mop up talent.

The third reason to shift is to rebalance regional inequality. . . . Norway treats federal jobs as a resource every region deserves to enjoy, like profits from oil. Where government jobs go, private ones follow. . . . Sometimes the aim is to fulfil the potential of a country’s second-tier cities. Unlike poor, remote places, bigger cities can make the most of relocated government agencies, linking them to local universities and businesses and supplying a better-educated workforce. The decision in 1946 to set up America’s Centres for Disease Control in Atlanta rather than Washington, D.C., has transformed the city into a hub for health-sector research and business.

The dilemma is obvious. Pick small, poor towns, and areas of high unemployment get new jobs, but it is hard to attract the most qualified workers; opt for larger cities with infrastructure and better-qualified residents, and the country’s most deprived areas see little benefit. . . .

Others contend that decentralisation begets corruption by making government agencies less accountable. . . . A study in America found that state-government corruption is worse when the state capital is isolated—journalists, who tend to live in the bigger cities, become less watchful of those in power.

Question. 1

According to the author, relocating government agencies has not always been a success for all of the following reasons EXCEPT:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

The “long pedigree” of the aim to shift civil servants to improve their living standards implies that this move:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

People who support decentralising central government functions are LEAST likely to cite which of the following reasons for their view?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

The “dilemma” mentioned in the passage refers to:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

According to the passage, colonial powers located their capitals:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 7

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

"Free of the taint of manufacture" – that phrase, in particular, is heavily loaded with the ideology of what the Victorian socialist William Morris called the "anti-scrape", or an anti- capitalist conservationism (not conservatism) that solaced itself with the vision of a pre- industrial golden age. In Britain, folk may often appear a cosy, fossilised form, but when you look more closely, the idea of folk – who has the right to sing it, dance it, invoke it, collect it, belong to it or appropriate it for political or cultural ends – has always been contested territory. . . .

In our own time, though, the word "folk" . . . has achieved the rare distinction of occupying fashionable and unfashionable status simultaneously. Just as the effusive floral prints of the radical William Morris now cover genteel sofas, so the revolutionary intentions of many folk historians and revivalists have led to music that is commonly regarded as parochial and conservative. And yet – as newspaper columns periodically rejoice – folk is hip again, influencing artists, clothing and furniture designers, celebrated at music festivals, awards ceremonies and on TV, reissued on countless record labels. Folk is a sonic "shabby chic", containing elements of the uncanny and eerie, as well as an antique veneer, a whiff of Britain's heathen dark ages. The very obscurity and anonymity of folk music's origins open up space for rampant imaginative fancies. . . .

[Cecil Sharp, who wrote about this subject, believed that] folk songs existed in constant transformation, a living example of an art form in a perpetual state of renewal. "One man sings a song, and then others sing it after him, changing what they do not like" is the most concise summary of his conclusions on its origins. He compared each rendition of a ballad to an acorn falling from an oak tree; every subsequent iteration sows the song anew. But there is tension in newness. In the late 1960s, purists were suspicious of folk songs recast in rock idioms. Electrification, however, comes in many forms. For the early-20th-century composers such as Vaughan Williams and Holst, there were thunderbolts of inspiration from oriental mysticism, angular modernism and the body blow of the first world war, as well as input from the rediscovered folk tradition itself.

For the second wave of folk revivalists, such as Ewan MacColl and AL Lloyd, starting in the 40s, the vital spark was communism's dream of a post-revolutionary New Jerusalem. For their younger successors in the 60s, who thronged the folk clubs set up by the old guard, the lyrical freedom of Dylan and the unchained melodies of psychedelia created the conditions for folk- rock's own golden age, a brief Indian summer that lasted from about 1969 to 1971. . . . Four decades on, even that progressive period has become just one more era ripe for fashionable emulation and pastiche. The idea of a folk tradition being exclusively confined to oral transmission has become a much looser, less severely guarded concept. Recorded music and television, for today's metropolitan generation, are where the equivalent of folk memories are seeded. . . .

Question. 1

Which of the following statements about folk revivalism of the 1940s and 1960s cannot be inferred from the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

The primary purpose of the reference to William Morris and his floral prints is to show:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

At a conference on folk forms, the author of the passage is least likely to agree with which one of the following views?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

All of the following are causes for plurality and diversity within the British folk tradition EXCEPT:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

The author says that folk “may often appear a cosy, fossilised form” because:

 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 8

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Contemporary internet shopping conjures a perfect storm of choice anxiety. Research has consistently held that people who are presented with a few options make better, easier decisions than those presented with many. . . . Helping consumers figure out what to buy amid an endless sea of choice online has become a cottage industry unto itself. Many brands and retailers now wield marketing buzzwords such as curation, differentiation, and discovery as they attempt to sell an assortment of stuff targeted to their ideal customer. Companies find such shoppers through the data gold mine of digital advertising, which can catalog people by gender, income level, personal interests, and more. Since Americans have lost the ability to sort through the sheer volume of the consumer choices available to them, a ghost now has to be in the retail machine, whether it’s an algorithm, an influencer, or some snazzy ad tech to help a product follow you around the internet. Indeed, choice fatigue is one reason so many people gravitate toward lifestyle influencers on Instagram—the relentlessly chic young moms and perpetually vacationing 20-somethings—who present an aspirational worldview, and then recommend the products and services that help achieve it. . . .

For a relatively new class of consumer-products start-ups, there’s another method entirely. Instead of making sense of a sea of existing stuff, these companies claim to disrupt stuff as Americans know it. Casper (mattresses), Glossier (makeup), Away (suitcases), and many others have sprouted up to offer consumers freedom from choice: The companies have a few aesthetically pleasing and supposedly highly functional options, usually at mid-range prices. They’re selling nice things, but maybe more importantly, they’re selling a confidence in those things, and an ability to opt out of the stuff rat race. . . .

One-thousand-dollar mattresses and $300 suitcases might solve choice anxiety for a certain tier of consumer, but the companies that sell them, along with those that attempt to massage the larger stuff economy into something navigable, are still just working within a consumer market that’s broken in systemic ways. The presence of so much stuff in America might be more valuable if it were more evenly distributed, but stuff’s creators tend to focus their energy on those who already have plenty. As options have expanded for people with disposable income, the opportunity to buy even basic things such as fresh food or quality diapers has contracted for much of America’s lower classes.

For start-ups that promise accessible simplicity, their very structure still might eventually push them toward overwhelming variety. Most of these companies are based on hundreds of millions of dollars of venture capital, the investors of which tend to expect a steep growth rate that can’t be achieved by selling one great mattress or one great sneaker. Casper has expanded into bedroom furniture and bed linens. Glossier, after years of marketing itself as no-makeup makeup that requires little skill to apply, recently launched a full line of glittering color cosmetics. There may be no way to opt out of stuff by buying into the right thing.

Question. 1

Based on the passage, all of the following can be inferred about consumer behaviour EXCEPT that:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

All of the following, IF TRUE, would weaken the author’s claims EXCEPT:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

A new food brand plans to launch a series of products in the American market. Which of the following product plans is most likely to be supported by the author of the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

Which one of the following best sums up the overall purpose of the examples of Casper and Glossier in the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Which of the following hypothetical statements would add the least depth to the author’s prediction of the fate of start-ups offering few product options?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 9

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

More and more companies, government agencies, educational institutions and philanthropic organisations are today in the grip of a new phenomenon: ‘metric fixation’. The key components of metric fixation are the belief that it is possible – and desirable – to replace professional judgment (acquired through personal experience and talent) with numerical indicators of comparative performance based upon standardised data (metrics); and that the best way to motivate people within these organisations is by attaching rewards and penalties to their measured performance.

The rewards can be monetary, in the form of pay for performance, say, or reputational, in the form of college rankings, hospital ratings, surgical report cards and so on. But the most dramatic negative effect of metric fixation is its propensity to incentivise gaming: that is, encouraging professionals to maximise the metrics in ways that are at odds with the larger purpose of the organisation. If the rate of major crimes in a district becomes the metric according to which police officers are promoted, then some officers will respond by simply not recording crimes or downgrading them from major offences to misdemeanours. Or take the case of surgeons. When the metrics of success and failure are made public – affecting their reputation and income – some surgeons will improve their metric scores by refusing to operate on patients with more complex problems, whose surgical outcomes are more likely to be negative. Who suffers? The patients who don’t get operated upon.

When reward is tied to measured performance, metric fixation invites just this sort of gaming. But metric fixation also leads to a variety of more subtle unintended negative consequences. These include goal displacement, which comes in many varieties: when performance is judged by a few measures, and the stakes are high (keeping one’s job, getting a pay rise or raising the stock price at the time that stock options are vested), people focus on satisfying those measures – often at the expense of other, more important organisational goals that are not measured. The best-known example is ‘teaching to the test’, a widespread phenomenon that has distorted primary and secondary education in the United States since the adoption of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001.

Short-termism is another negative. Measured performance encourages what the US sociologist Robert K Merton in 1936 called ‘the imperious immediacy of interests where the actor’s paramount concern with the foreseen immediate consequences excludes consideration of further or other consequences’. In short, advancing short-term goals at the expense of long-range considerations. This problem is endemic to publicly traded corporations that sacrifice long-term research and development, and the development of their staff, to the perceived imperatives of the quarterly report.

Question. 1

What is the main idea that the author is trying to highlight in the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

All of the following can be a possible feature of the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, EXCEPT:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

What main point does the author want to convey through the examples of the police officer and the surgeon?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

Which of the following is NOT a consequence of the 'metric fixation' phenomenon mentioned in the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Of the following, which would have added the least depth to the author’s argument?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 10

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Will a day come when India’s poor can access government services as easily as drawing cash from an ATM? No country in the world has made accessing education or health or policing or dispute resolution as easy as an ATM, because the nature of these activities requires individuals to use their discretion in a positive way. Technology can certainly facilitate this in a variety of ways if it is seen as one part of an overall approach, but the evidence so far in education, for instance, is that just adding computers alone doesn’t make education any better.

The dangerous illusion of technology is that it can create stronger, top down accountability of service providers in implementation-intensive services within existing public sector organisations. One notion is that electronic management information systems (EMIS) keep better track of inputs and those aspects of personnel that are ‘EMIS visible’ can lead to better services. A recent study examined attempts to increase attendance of Auxiliary Nurse Midwife (ANMs) at clinics in Rajasthan, which involved high-tech time clocks to monitor attendance. The study’s title says it all: Band-Aids on a Corpse. E-governance can be just as bad as any other governance when the real issue is people and their motivation.

For services to improve, the people providing the services have to want to do a better job with the skills they have. A study of medical care in Delhi found that even though providers, in the public sector had much better skills than private sector providers their provision of care in actual practice was much worse.

In implementation-intensive services the key to success is face-to-face interactions between a teacher, a nurse, a policeman, an extension agent and a citizen. This relationship is about power. Amartya Sen’s report on education in West Bengal had a supremely telling anecdote in which the villagers forced the teacher to attend school, but then, when the parents went off to work, the teacher did not teach, but forced the children to massage his feet. As long as the system empowers providers over citizens, technology is irrelevant.

The answer to successfully providing basic services is to create systems that provide both autonomy and accountability. In basic education for instance, the answer to poor teaching is not controlling teachers more. The key is to hire teachers who want to teach and let them teach, expressing their professionalism and vocation as a teacher through autonomy in the classroom. This autonomy has to be matched with accountability for results—not just narrowly measured through test scores, but broadly for the quality of the education they provide.

A recent study in Uttar Pradesh showed that if, somehow, all civil service teachers could be replaced with contract teachers, the state could save a billion dollars a year in revenue and double student learning. Just the additional autonomy and accountability of contracts through local groups—even without complementary system changes in information and empowerment—led to that much improvement. The first step to being part of the solution is to create performance information accessible to those outside of the government.

Question. 1

The main purpose of the passage is to:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

The author questions the use of monitoring systems in services that involve face-to-face interaction between service providers and clients because such systems:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which of the following, IF TRUE, would undermine the passage’s main argument?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

According to the author, service delivery in Indian education can be improved in all of the following ways EXCEPT through:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

In the context of the passage, we can infer that the title “Band Aids on a Corpse” (in paragraph 2) suggests that:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 11

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

“Everybody pretty much agrees that the relationship between elephants and people has dramatically changed,” [says psychologist Gay] Bradshaw. “Where for centuries humans and elephants lived in relatively peaceful coexistence, there is now hostility and violence. Now, I use the term ‘violence’ because of the intentionality associated with it, both in the aggression of humans and, at times, the recently observed behavior of elephants.”

Typically, elephant researchers have cited, as a cause of aggression, the high levels of testosterone in newly matured male elephants or the competition for land and resources between elephants and humans. But, Bradshaw and several colleagues argue that today’s elephant populations are suffering from a form of chronic stress, a kind of species-wide trauma. Decades of poaching and culling and habitat loss, they claim, have so disrupted the intricate web of familial and societal relations by which young elephants have traditionally been raised in the wild, and by which established elephant herds are governed, that what we are now witnessing is nothing less than a precipitous collapse of elephant culture.

Elephants, when left to their own devices, are profoundly social creatures. young elephants are raised within an extended, multi-tiered network of doting female caregivers that includes the birth mother, grandmothers, aunts and friends. These relations are maintained over a life span as long as 70 years. Studies of established herds have shown that young elephants stay within 15 feet of their mothers for nearly all of their first eight years of life, after which young females are socialized into the matriarchal network, while young males go off for a time into an all-male social group before coming back into the fold as mature adults.

This fabric of elephant society, Bradshaw and her colleagues [demonstrate], ha[s] effectively been frayed by years of habitat loss and poaching, along with systematic culling by government agencies to control elephant numbers and translocations of herds to different habitats. As a result of such social upheaval, calves are now being born to and raised by ever younger and inexperienced mothers. Young orphaned elephants, meanwhile, that have witnessed the death of a parent at the hands of poachers are coming of age in the absence of the support system that defines traditional elephant life. “The loss of elephant elders,” [says] Bradshaw "and the traumatic experience of witnessing the massacres of their family, impairs normal brain and behavior development in young elephants.”

What Bradshaw and her colleagues describe would seem to be an extreme form of anthropocentric conjecture if the evidence that they’ve compiled from various elephant researchers weren’t so compelling. The elephants of decimated herds, especially orphans who’ve watched the death of their parents and elders from poaching and culling, exhibit behavior typically associated with post-traumatic stress disorder and other trauma-related disorders in humans: abnormal startle response, unpredictable asocial behavior, inattentive mothering and hyper-aggression.

[According to Bradshaw], “Elephants are suffering and behaving in the same ways that we recognize in ourselves as a result of violence. Except perhaps for a few specific features, brain organization and early development of elephants and humans are extremely similar.”

Question. 1

In paragraph 4, the phrase, “The fabric of elephant society . . . has(s) effectively been frayed by . . .” is:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Which of the following measures is Bradshaw most likely to support to address the problem of elephant aggression?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

The passage makes all of the following claims EXCEPT

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

In the first paragraph, Bradshaw uses the term "violence" to describe the recent change in the human-elephant relationship because, according to him:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Which of the following statements best expresses the overall argument of this passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 12

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Despite their fierce reputation, Vikings may not have always been the plunderers and pillagers popular culture imagines them to be. In fact, they got their start trading in northern European markets, researchers suggest.

Combs carved from animal antlers, as well as comb manufacturing waste and raw antler material has turned up at three archaeological sites in Denmark, including a medieval marketplace in the city of Ribe. A team of researchers from Denmark and the U.K. hoped to identify the species of animal to which the antlers once belonged by analyzing collagen proteins in the samples and comparing them across the animal kingdom, Laura Geggel reports for LiveScience. Somewhat surprisingly, molecular analysis of the artifacts revealed that some combs and other material had been carved from reindeer antlers.... Given that reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) don't live in Denmark, the researchers posit that it arrived on Viking ships from Norway. Antler craftsmanship, in the form of decorative combs, was part of Viking culture. Such combs served as symbols of good health, Geggel writes. The fact that the animals shed their antlers also made them easy to collect from the large herds that inhabited Norway.

Since the artifacts were found in marketplace areas at each site it's more likely that the Norsemen came to trade rather than pillage. Most of the artifacts also date to the 780s, but some are as old as 725. That predates the beginning of Viking raids on Great Britain by about 70 years. (Traditionally, the so-called "Viking Age" began with these raids in 793 and ended with the Norman conquest of Great Britain in l066.) Archaeologists had suspected that the Vikings had experience with long maritime voyages [that] might have preceded their raiding days. Beyond Norway, these combs would have been a popular industry in Scandinavia as wela: It' s possible that the antler combs represent a larger trade network, where the Norsemen supplied raw material to craftsmen in Denmark and elsewhere.

Question. 1

All of the following hold true for Vikings EXCEPT

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

The evidence - "Most of the artifacts also date to the 780s, but some are as old as 725" — has been used in the passage to argue that:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 13

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Despite their fierce reputation, Vikings may not have always been the plunderers and pillagers popular culture imagines them to be. In fact, they got their start trading in northern European markets, researchers suggest.

Combs carved from animal antlers, as well as comb manufacturing waste and raw antler material has turned up at three archaeological sites in Denmark, including a medieval marketplace in the city of Ribe. A team of researchers from Denmark and the U.K. hoped to identify the species of animal to which the antlers once belonged by analyzing collagen proteins in the samples and comparing them across the animal kingdom, Laura Geggel reports for LiveScience. Somewhat surprisingly, molecular analysis of the artifacts revealed that some combs and other material had been carved from reindeer antlers.... Given that reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) don't live in Denmark, the researchers posit that it arrived on Viking ships from Norway. Antler craftsmanship, in the form of decorative combs, was part of Viking culture. Such combs served as symbols of good health, Geggel writes. The fact that the animals shed their antlers also made them easy to collect from the large herds that inhabited Norway.

Since the artifacts were found in marketplace areas at each site it's more likely that the Norsemen came to trade rather than pillage. Most of the artifacts also date to the 780s, but some are as old as 725. That predates the beginning of Viking raids on Great Britain by about 70 years. (Traditionally, the so-called "Viking Age" began with these raids in 793 and ended with the Norman conquest of Great Britain in l066.) Archaeologists had suspected that the Vikings had experience with long maritime voyages [that] might have preceded their raiding days. Beyond Norway, these combs would have been a popular industry in Scandinavia as wela: It' s possible that the antler combs represent a larger trade network, where the Norsemen supplied raw material to craftsmen in Denmark and elsewhere.

Question. 1

The primary purpose of the passage is:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 14

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Do sports mega events like the summer Olympic Games benefit the host city economically? It depends, but the prospects are less than rosy. The trick is converting...several billion dollars in operating costs during the 17-day fiesta of the Games into a basis for long-term economic returns. These days, the summer Olympic Games themselves generate total revenue of $4 billion to $5 billion, but the lion's share of this goes to the International Olympics Committee, the National Olympics Committees and the International Sports Federations. Any economic benefit would have to flow from the value of the Games as an advertisement for the city, the new transportation and communications infrastructure that was created for the Games, or the ongoing use of the new facilities.

Evidence suggests that the advertising effect is far from certain. The infrastructure benefit depends on the initial condition of the city and the effectiveness of the planning. The facilities benefit is dubious at best for buildings such as velodromes or natatoriums and problematic for 100,000-seat Olympic stadiums. The latter require a conversion plan for future use, the former are usually doomed to near vacancy. Hosting the summer Games generally requires 30-plus sports venues and dozens of training centers. Today, the Bird's Nest in Beijing sits virtually empty, while the Olympic Stadium in Sydney costs some $30 million a year to operate.

Part of the problem is that Olympics planning takes place in a frenzied and time-pressured atmosphere of intense competition with the other prospective host cities — not optimal conditions for contemplating the future shape of an urban landscape. Another part of the problem is that urban land is generally scarce and growing scarcer. The new facilities often stand for decades or longer. Even if they have future use, are they the best use of precious urban real estate?

Further, cities must consider the human cost. Residential areas often are razed and citizens relocated (without adequate preparation or compensation). Life is made more hectic and congested. There are, after all, other productive uses that can be made of vanishing fiscal resources.

Question. 1

The author feels that the Games place a burden on the host city for all of the following reasons EXCEPT that

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Sports facilities built for the Olympics are not fully utilised after the Games are over because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

The central point in the first paragraph is that the economic benefits of the Olympic Games

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 15

Directions for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

This year alone, more than 8,600 stores could close, according to industry estimates, many of them the brand -name anchor outlets that real estate developers once stumbled over themselves to court. Already there have been 5,300 retail closings this year... Sears Holdings—which owns Kmart—said in March that there's "substantial doubt" it can stay in business altogether, and will close 300 stores this year. So far this year, nine national retail chains have filed for bankruptcy.

Local jobs are a major casualty of what analysts are calling, with only a hint of hyperbole, the retail apocalypse. Since 2002, department stores have lost 448,000 jobs, a 25% decline, while the number of store closures this year is on pace to surpass the worst depths of the Great Recession. The growth of online retailers, meanwhile, has failed to offset those losses, with the ecommerce sector adding just 178,000 jobs over the past 15 years. Some of those jobs can be found in the massive distribution centers Amazon has opened across the country, often not too far from malls the company helped shutter.

But those are workplaces, not gathering places. The mall is both. And in the 61 years since the first enclosed one opened in suburban Minneapolis, the shopping mall has been where a huge swath of middle-class America went for far more than shopping. It was the home of first jobs and blind dates, the place for family photos and ear piercings, where goths and grandmothers could somehow walk through the same doors and find something they all liked. Sure, the food was lousy for you and the oceans of parking lots encouraged car-heavy development, something now scorned by contemporary planners. But for better or worse, the mall has been America's public square for the last 60 years.

So what happens when it disappears?

Think of your mall. Or think of the one you went to as a kid. Think of the perfume clouds in the department stores. The fountains splashing below the skylights. The cinnamon wafting from the food court. As far back as ancient Greece, societies have congregated around a central marketplace. In medieval Europe, they were outside cathedrals. For half of the 20th century and almost 20 years into the new one, much of America has found their agora on the terrazzo between Orange Julius and Sbarro, Waldenbooks and the Gap, Sunglass Hut and Hot Topic.

That mall was an ecosystem unto itself, a combination of community and commercialism peddling everything you needed and everything you didn't: Magic Eye posters, wind catchers. Air Jordans....

A growing number of Americans, however, don't see the need to go to any Macy's at all. Our digital lives are frictionless and ruthlessly efficient, with retail and romance available at a click. Malls were designed for leisure, abundance, ambling. You parked and planned to spend some time. Today, much of that time has been given over to busier lives and second jobs and apps that let you swipe right instead of haunt the food court. ' Malls, says Harvard business professor Leonard Schlesinger, "were built for patterns of social interaction that increasingly don't exist."

Question. 1

The author describes 'Perfume clouds in the department stores' in order to

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Why does the author say that the mall has been America's public square?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

The author calls the mall an ecosystem unto itself because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

In paragraph 1, the phrase "real estate developers once stumbled over themselves to court" suggests that they

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Why does the author say in paragraph 2, 'the massive distribution centers Amazon has opened across the country, often not too far from malls the company helped shutter'?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 6

The central idea of this passage is that:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 16

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Organic food is a two-billion pound industry grown fat on
the back of celebrity endorsement and a well-heeled middle class
seduced by claims that it is good for health. Prince Charles is one
of its most enthusiastic and pro-active promoters. Not content
with simply consuming it, he has his own lucrative line in
overpriced organic products including biscuits which taste more
like chalk.
But now questions are being raised about some of the basic
assumptions that have contributed to the popularity of organic
food and the phenomenal growth of this sector in the past decade.
People are asking: is organic food really worth the price which is
often three times more than that of normal food?
This follows new research by a group of British scientists
who found that organic food offered no extra benefit over the ordinary
cheaper foodstuff. In a controversial report, experts from the
London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine say
there is no evidence that organic food is more nutritional or
healthier than food produced using fertilizers. For example, the
expensive free-range chicken (sold as a "premium" product) has
the same nutritional value as the factory-farmed chicken; and
similarly, there is no difference between organic and non-organic
vegetables or dairy produce.
The research, based on data published over the past 50
years and said to be the most comprehensive review ever of the
relative benefits of organic food, strikes at the very heart of what
has been portrayed by campaigners as its USP that it is healthier
than conventional food and therefore worth paying a "bit "extra.
Dr. Alan Dangour, who led the study, was unambiguous
in rejecting claims made for organic food. "Looking at all of the
studies published in the last 50 years, we have concluded that
there's no good evidence that consumption of organic food is
beneficial to health based on the nutrient content," he said.
The report, commissioned by the government's Food
Standards Agency and published in the American Journal of Clinical
Nutrition, concluded that "organically and conventionally produced
crops and livestock products are broadly comparable in their nutrient
content." A "small number of differences" were noted but these
were "unlikely to be of any public health relevance."
In a pointed reference to the hype over the supposed
benefits of organic food, the FSA said the research was aimed at
helping people make "informed choices" about what they ate. In
other words, it was concerned that the high-profile campaign for
organic food, dressed up as an ethical issue, was preventing people
from making "informed choices" and they were being sold things
on false premises.
"Ensuring people have accurate information is absolutely
essential in allowing us all to more informed choices about the
food we eat. This study does not mean that people should not eat
organic food. What it shows is that there is little, if any, nutritional
difference between organic and conventionally produced food
and that there is no evidence of additional health benefits from
eating organic food," said Gill Fine, FSA's Director of Consumer
Choice and Dietary Health
In the organic food circles, the report has caused fury with
campaigners alleging that it is all part of a "cancerous conspiracy"
to defame the organic food movement. Newspapers have been
full of angry letters denouncing the report as "selective,"
"misleading" and "limited."
The Soil Association, which campaigns for "planetfriendly
organic food and farming," is furious that the research crucially ignored the presence of higher pesticide residues in conventional
food. Some have defended organic food arguing that it is not
about health alone but also involves wider environmental and
social issues.
However, even those who agree that the report may be
"flawed" in some respects believe that it is an important
contribution to the debate on organic food.
"Yet the report-for all its alleged flaws-is an important one.
For a start, it is certainly not the work of dogmatic and intractably
hostile opponents of the causeD In fact, it raises key global issuesD
After all, if organic food is no more beneficial in terms of nutrition
than other,standard foodstuffs, why should we pay excessive price
to eat the stuff? Why devote more land to its production," asked
Robin McKie, Science Editor of The Observer.
There is also a view that the fad for organic food is a bit of
a class thing-something to do with the idea that if something is
expensive it is also good. So, a Marks & Spencer cheese sandwich
is supposed to taste better than a similar sandwich at Subway
next door; everything at Harrods is out of this world; and similarly
you don't know what you are missing if organic food is not your
preferred choice. There is said to be a whiff of snobbery about
buying into an expensive lifestyle choice. Will science bring them
down to earth?

Question. 1

In this passage, the author essentially

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

According to the passage, defenders of organic food are of the opinion that the FSA study

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which of the following factors/aspects, related to organic food, has the result of the FSA study primarily called into question?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

All of the following are the author’s views on organic food EXCEPT

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 17

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly. 

From Billie Holiday to Kurt Cobain, Jeff Buckley to Lana
Del Rey, we enjoy the music of suffering and sadness, songs that
help us through our worst moments – broken relationships,
melancholy, mania. Summed up by John Cusack’s indie-sad lad
in the film of High Fidelity – “What came first? The music or the
misery?” – we espouse the miserable and the hopeless.
However, the musicians behind the songs are often an
afterthought. Or if not that, they’re subject to the notion that their
depression is a creative spark and their mental illness the driving
force behind compelling art. As someone who has suffered from
severe depression, the romantic notion of the doomed artist is not
all that. You put on weight and then lose it, you sleep too much or
too little, and the myriad other symptoms dictate that it’s not the
gladiola-swinging, woe-is-me fest it’s talked up to be. But does
this connection between art and angst have any foundation?
Research earlier this year linked high childhood IQ to an
increased risk of experiencing bipolar traits in later life. “There is
something about the genetics underlying the disorder that are
advantageous,” said Daniel Smith of the University of Glasgow,
who led the study. “One possibility is that serious disorders of
mood – such as bipolar disorder – are the price that human beings
have had to pay for more adaptive traits such as intelligence,
creativity and verbal proficiency.”
Marjorie Wallace, chief executive of Sane, a mental health
charity, considers this concept potentially harmful, given that not
all cases of bipolar disorder are the same. Although tormented
geniuses exist – figures such as Robert Schumann and Van Gogh
– she says their talents are not necessarily a byproduct of being
bipolar. “The majority of people may have the illness but not the
gift.” “There is,” she adds, “the possibility that somebody who
has fragile mental health can be sensitive to other dimensions. I
also think that there is a ‘tormented genius’ link, particularly with
people who have bipolar disorder. However, not everybody with
mental illness can possibly be gifted artistically or musically. So
it can make people who aren’t feel even less adequate, and even
more of a failure.” So is the troubled artist fallacy damaging the music industry?
Alanna McArdle, formerly of Joanna Gruesome, believes so.“It’s
a harmful trope that leads to ignorance and a lack of awareness of
what mental illness actually is and what it can do to a person,” she
says. “I went out with a guy who told me that I shouldn’t be so
resentful of my mental illness because it’s allowed me to create
some amazing art. But I think that’s wrong, and I also think it’s a
very offensive stance to take. I would much rather never write
another song if the trade-off was to not have my illness.”
The idea of mental illness as a creative force is, to most
people who suffer from it, a myth. The chronic lack of self-esteem
caused by mental illness, the numbing effect of antidepressants
and the grip of anxiety on a performer who looks as if they have
it easy are barriers that can prevent a musician from doing their
job. Pete Doherty, for example, cancelled a number of Libertines
shows in September after suffering from a severe anxiety attack.
“Depression and anxiety, in different ways, have the effect of
limiting someone’s capacity for expression and reaching out
towards the world,” says Simon Procter, a programme director at
music therapy charity Nordoff Robbins, who has co-headed a
paper on music therapy and depression.

Question. 1

Which of the following can most likely be the view of Simon Procter?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

What can be inferred about Alanna McArdle from the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which of the following can be inferred from the given passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

How is the idea of mental illness as a creative force harmful to people in general?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Which of the following statements by a famous musician can substantiate the perspective that mental illness helps creativity?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 6

Which of the following options depict the main idea of the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 18

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

People in monogamous relationships catch sexually
transmitted diseases just as often as those in open relationships, a
new survey suggests, largely due to infidelity spreading infections.
Reported in the current Journal of Sexual Medicine, the
survey of 554 people found that monogamous couples are less
likely to use condoms and get tested for STDs — even when
they’re not being faithful to their partner.
“It turns out that when monogamous people cheat, they
don’t seem to be very good about using condoms,” Justin
Lehmiller, a psychologist at Ball State University and author of
the study, told Fox News by email. “People in open relationships
seem to take a lot of precautions to reduce their sexual health
risks.” The finding matters because people who think they are in
monogamous relationships may face higher odds of an infection
than they suspect, Lehmiller and other researchers told Fox News.
And a stigma around open relationships that views such couples
as irresponsible — even among researchers who conduct studies
— may be skewing the evidence.
One in four of the 351 monogamous-relationship
participants in Lehmiller’s survey said they had cheated on their
partners, similar to rates of sexual infidelity reported in other
surveys. About 1 in 5, whether monogamous or not, reported they
had been diagnosed with an STD. Participants averaged between
26 to 27 years old, and most (70%) were women.
For people in supposedly exclusive relationships,
Lehmiller said, “this risk is compounded by the fact that cheaters
are less likely to get tested for (STDs), so when they pick
something up, they are probably less likely to find out about it
before passing it along.”
Psychologist Terri Conley of the University of Michigan
told Fox News that the survey results echoed her team’s findings
in a 2012 Journal of Sexual Medicine study that found people in
open relationships were more likely to use condoms correctly in
sexual encounters than people in exclusive relationships.
To bolster confidence in the results, Conley said, more
funding is needed to test research subjects for STDs directly, rather
than relying on their own notoriously unreliable self-reporting of
infections.
She compared just assuming that monogamous
relationships are safer to assuming abstinence education will really
stop teenagers from having sex: “Sure, abstinence would be great,
but we know that isn’t reality.”
To put it another way, Lehmiller said, “There’s a potential
danger in monogamy in that if your partner puts you at risk by
cheating, you’re unlikely to find out until it’s too late.”
In a commentary on Lehmiller’s study in Journal of Sexual
Medicine, Conley argued that sex researchers are “committed to
the belief that monogamy is best” and are “reluctant to consider
contradictory evidence.”
“I’m not saying monogamy is bad,” Conley said. “What I
found is that the level of hostility among reviewers to suggesting
people in consensual non-monogamous relationships are more
responsible is really over the top.”
Conley said she initially struggled to publish her 2012
study. When she changed the framing of its conclusion to find
that “cheaters” in monogamous relationships were more
irresponsible, the study was suddenly published.
“Even in a scientific review process, challenging
researchers’ preconceived notions is perilous,” she wrote in her
commentary.
Other relationship researchers disagree, however, saying
that sociologists have cast shade on monogamy — finding declines
in happiness, sexual satisfaction, and frequency of intercourse
— for decades. “This is about as widespread a finding as one
gets,” Harry Reis, a psychologist at the University of Rochester,
told Fox News. He called the idea that social scientists are biased
against studies showing the value of non-monogamous
relationships was “poppycock.”

Question. 1

How does the author use the word ‘stigma’ in the fourth paragraph?
 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

From the statements given below, choose the one that can be easily inferred from the lines ‘Conley said…suddenly published’. (lines 39-41)

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which of the following options can most appropriately continue the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 19

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

It’s argued that retribution is used in a unique way in the
case of the death penalty. Crimes other than murder do not receive
a punishment that mimics the crime - for example rapists are not
punished by sexual assault and people guilty of assault are not
ceremonially beaten up. Camus and Dostoevsky argued that the
retribution in the case of the death penalty was not fair, because
the anticipatory suffering of the criminal before execution would
probably outweigh the anticipatory suffering of the victim of their
crime. Others argue that the retribution argument is flawed because
the death penalty delivers a ‘double punishment’; that of the
execution and the preceding wait, and this is a mismatch to the
crime.
Many offenders are kept ‘waiting’ on death row for a very
long time; in the USA the average wait is 10 years. In Japan, the
accused are only informed of their execution moments before it
is scheduled. The result of this is that each day of their life is
lived as if it was their last.
Some lawyers argue that capital punishment is not really
used as retribution for murder, or even consistently for a particular
kind of murder. They argue that, in the USA at least, only a small
minority of murderers is actually executed, and that imposition
of capital punishment on a “capriciously selected random handful”
of offenders does not amount to a consistent programme of
retribution. Since capital punishment is not operated retributively,
it is inappropriate to use retribution to justify capital punishment.
This argument would have no value in a society that applied the
death penalty consistently for particular types of murder.
Some people who believe in the notion of retribution are
against capital punishment because they feel the death penalty
provides insufficient retribution. They argue that life imprisonment
without possibility of parole causes much more suffering to the
offender than a painless death after a short period of imprisonment.
The death penalty doesn’t seem to deter people from
committing serious violent crimes. The thing that deters is the
likelihood of being caught and punished. The general consensus
among social scientists is that the deterrent effect of the death
penalty is at best unproven.

Question. 1

Why does the author state that retribution in the case of the death penalty is unique?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Which of the following has not been mentioned as an argument against capital punishment?
A. It may not be retribution enough.
B. It can be misused to punish the innocent.
C. As a punishment, it may not match the crime committed.
D. No other crime, apart from murder, receives a punishment that mimics the crime.

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which of the following options presents the main idea of the given passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 20

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

The function of strategic planning is to position a company for
long-term growth and expansion in a variety of markets by
analyzing its strengths and weaknesses and examining current
and potential opportunities. Based on this information, the
company develops strategy for itself. That strategy then becomes
the basis for supporting strategies for its various departments.
This is where all too many strategic plans go astray-at
implementation. Recent business management surveys show that
most CEOs who have a strategic plan are concerned with the
potential breakdown in the implementation of the plan. Unlike
1980s corporations that blindly followed their 5-year plans, even
when they were misguided, today's corporations tend to secondguess.
Outsiders can help facilitate the process, but in the final analysis,
if the company doesn't make the plan, the company won't follow
the plan. This was one of the problems with strategic planning in
the 1980s. In that era, it was an abstract, top-down process
involving only a few top corporate officers and hired guns.
Number crunching experts came into a company and generated
tome-like volumes filled with a mixture of abstruse facts and grand
theories which had little to do with the day- to-day realities of the
company. Key middle managers were left out of planning sessions,
resulting in lost opportunities and ruffled feelings.
However, more hands-on strategic planning can produce startling
results. A recent survey queried more than a thousand small-tomedium
sized businesses to compare companies with a strategic
plan to companies without one. The survey found that companies
with strategic plans had annual revenue growth of 6.2 percent as
opposed to 3.8 percent for the other companies.
Perhaps most important, a strategic plan helps companies
anticipate-and survive-change. New technology and the mobility
of capital mean that markets can shift faster than ever before.
Some financial analysts wonder why they should bother planning
two years ahead when market dynamics might be transformed by
next quarter. The fact is that it's the very pace of change that
makes planning so crucial. Now, more than ever, companies have
to stay alert to the marketplace. In an environment of continual
and rapid change, long range planning expands options and
organizational flexibility.

Question. 1

There is no clear line between health and illness; it is easy to forget what it feels like to be really well and to get gradually used to often having a headache, feeling irritable, or tired. There is an unrecognized proportion of the population that has been tipped over the brink into ill health by ubiquitous contaminants. Which of the following statements best describes the purpose of the above?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Between 1979 and 1983, the number of unincorporated business self-employed women increased five times faster than the number of self employed men and more than three
times faster than women wage-and-salary workers. Parttime self-employment among women increased more than full-time self-employment. Each of the following, if true, could help to account for this trend except :

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Over the last 20 years the rate of increase in total production in Workland has been second to none in the world. However, the growth is more modest when calculated per capita of total population. Over the last ten years progress has been much slower. If the information above is accurate, which of the following must be true?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

The author most likely mentions the results of the survey of 1,000 companies in order to 

 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

It can be inferred from the passage that, in general, strategic planning during the 1980s had all of the following shortcomings EXCEPT

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 6

The primary purpose of the passage is to

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 21

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

The development underlines the great danger we face from the
extension of anti-terrorist measures and methods into normal life
– the policing of our streets, for example, and the hounding of
football fans and climate change protestors.
Just as disturbing is the line of questioning by the police of those
who made freedom of information requests before the alleged
hacking of computers last year. In a letter to the Financial Times,
Sebastian Nokes, a climate change sceptic and businessman, said
he was interviewed by an officer who “wanted to know what
computer I used, my internet service provider, and also to which
political parties I have belonged, what I feel about climate change
and what my qualifications in climate science are. He questioned
me at length about my political and scientific opinions”.
The police have a duty to investigate the alleged crime, but this kind of questioning smacks of something far more sinister because
a person’s political and scientific views are being weighed to assess
his likely criminality in the eyes of the police officer.
Now you might ask how else the police are going to establish
who is a suspect. After all, you would certainly ask people about
their views if you investigating a string of racist attacks. But this
is not a violent crime or a terrorist matter: moreover, Nokes had
simply sent “an FOI request to the university’s climate unit asking
whether scientists had received training in the disclosure rules
and asking for copies of any emails in which they suggested
ducking their obligations to disclose data”.
On that basis the police felt entitled to examine Nokes on his
views. These days it’s surprising that they haven’t found a way to
seize his computer and mobile phone, which is what routinely
happens to those involved in climate change protests. Limits need
to be set in the policing and investigation of people’s legitimate
beliefs. Any future government must take a grip on the tendency
of the police to watch, search, categorise and retain the personal
details of those who express the political, religious or scientific
beliefs. We should never forget that under this government the
police have used forward intelligence teams to photograph people
emerging from a climate change meeting in a cafe in Brighton;
have used the ANPR system to track the movement of vehicles
belonging to people travelling to demonstrations; have prevented
press photographers from carrying out their lawful right to cover
news events; and have combed the computers and searched the
premises of an MP legitimately engaged in the business of
opposition and holding the government to account.
What this adds up to is a failure of understanding in the police
force that one of its primary duties is to protect the various and
sometimes inconvenient manifestations of a democracy, not to
suppress them. That is why they have to be ultra-careful deploying
specialist terrorist intelligence units and treating people’s opinions
as evidence.

Question. 1

The author is least likely to support which of the following?
 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

What is the central theme explored by the author in the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which one of these best expresses the author’s attitude towards Sebastian Nokes?
 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 22

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

The idea of dead scientists engaging in an experiment in eugenics
is incredible enough. Yet the most striking feature in this episode
is the power that is ascribed to science itself. While spiritualism
evolved into a popular religion, complete with a heavenly
“Summerland” where the dead lived free from care and sorrow,
the intellectual elite of psychical researchers thought of their quest
as a rigorously scientific inquiry. But if these Victorian seekers
turned to science, it was to look for an exit from the world that
science had revealed. Darwinism had disclosed a purposeless
universe without human meaning; but purpose and meaning could
be restored, if only science could show that the human mind
carried on evolving after the death of the body. All of these seekers
had abandoned any belief in traditional religion. Still, the human
need for a meaning in life that religion once satisfied could not
be denied, and fuelled the faith that scientific investigation would
show that the human story continues after death. In effect, science
was used against science, and became a channel for belief in
magic.
Much of what the psychical researchers viewed as science we
would now call pseudo-science. But the boundaries of scientific
knowledge are smudged and shifting, and seem clear only in
hindsight. There is no pristine science untouched by the vagaries
of faith. The psychical researchers used science not only to deal
with private anguish but also to bolster their weakening belief in
progress. Especially after the catastrophe of the First World War,
the gradual improvement that most people expected would
continue indefinitely appeared to be faltering. If the scripts were
to be believed, however, there was no cause for anxiety or despair.
The world might be sliding into anarchy, but progress
continued on the other side. Many of the psychical researchers
believed they were doing no more than show that evolution
continues in a post-mortem world. Like many others, then and
now, they confused two wholly different things. Progress assumes
some goal or direction. But evolution has neither of these
attributes, and if natural selection continued in another world it
would feature the same random death and wasted lives we find
here below.
Darwinism is impossible to reconcile with the notion that humans
have any special exemption from mortality. In Darwin’s scheme
of things species are not fixed or everlasting. How then could
only humans go on to a life beyond the grave? Surely, in terms of
the prospect of immortality, all sentient beings stand or fall
together. Then again, how could anyone imagine all the legions
of the dead – not only the human generations that have come and
gone but the countless animal species that are now extinct – living
on in the ether, forever?
Science could not give these seekers what they were looking for.
Yet at the same time that sections of the English elite were looking
for a scientific version of immortality, a similar quest was under
way in Russia among the “God-builders” – a section of the
Bolshevik intelligentsia that believed science could someday,
perhaps quite soon, be used to defeat death. 

Question. 1

Which of the following is the most appropriate title for the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

What is the confusion of past and present day psychical researchers?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

How was “science used against science” according to the author?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 23

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly

Much as an electrical lamp transforms electrical energy into heat
and light, the visual ‘apparatus’ of a human being acts as a
transformer of light into sight. Light projected from a source or
reflected by an object enters the cornea and lens of the eyeball.
The energy is transmitted to the retina of the eye whose rods and
cones are activated. The stimuli are transferred by nerve cells to
the optic nerve and then to the brain, man is a binocular animal,
and the impressions from his two eyes are translated into sight–a
rapid, compound analysis of the shape, form, colour, size, position,
and motion of the things he sees. Photometry is the science of
measuring light. The illuminating engineer and designer employ
photometric data constantly in their work. In all fields of
application of light and lighting, they predicate their choice of
equipment, lamps, wall finishes, colours of light and backgrounds,
and other factors affecting the luminous and environmental pattern
to be secured, in great part from data supplied originally by
photometric laboratory. Today extensive tables and charts of
photometric data are used widely, constituting the basis for many
details of design. Although the lighting designer may not be called upon to the detailed work of making measurements or plotting
data in the form of photometric curves and analyzing them, an
understanding of the terms used and their derivation form valuable
background knowledge. The perception of colour is a complex
visual sensation, intimately related to light. The apparent colour
of an object depends primarily upon four factors: its ability to
reflect various colours of light, the nature of the light by which it
is seen, the colour of its surroundings, and the characteristics and
state of adaptation of the eye. In most discussions of colour, a
distinction is made between white and coloured objects. White is
the colour name most usually applied to a material that diffusely
transmits a high percentage of all the hues of light. Colours that
have no hue are termed neutral or achromatic colours. They
include white, off-white, all shades of gray, down to black. All
coloured objects selectively absorb certain wavelengths of light
and reflect or transmit others in varying degrees. Inorganic
materials, chiefly metals such as copper and brass, reflect light
from their surfaces. Hence we have the term “surface” or
“metallic” colours, as contrasted with “body” or “pigment”
colours. In the former, the light reflected from the surface is often
tinted. Most paints, on the other hand, have body or pigment
colours. In these, light is reflected from the surface without much
colour change, but the body material absorbs some colours and
reflects others; hence, the diffuse reflection from the body of the
material is coloured but often appears to be overlaid and diluted
with a “white” reflection from the glossy surface of the paint
film. In paints and enamels, the pigment particles, which are
usually opaque, are suspended in a vehicle such as oil or plastic.
The particles of a dye, on the other hand, are considereably finer
and may be described as colouring matter in solution. The dye
particles are more often transparent or translucent.

Question. 1

Paint is an example of a substance containing

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

The colour black is an example of

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

According to the passage, lighting engineers need not 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 24

Direction for question: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Founded at the dawn of the modern industrial era, the nearly
forgotten Women's Trade Union League (WTUL) played an
instrumental Line role in advancing the cause of working women
throughout the early part of the twentieth century. In the face of
considerable adversity, the WTUL made a contribution far greater
than did most historical footnotes.
The organization's successes did not come easily; conflict beset
the WTUL in many forms.
During those early days of American unions, organized labour
was aggressively opposed by both industry and government. The
WTUL, which represented a largely unskilled labour force, had
little leverage against these powerful opponents. Also, because
of the skill level of its workers as well as inherent societal gender
bias, the WTUL had great difficulty finding allies among other
unions. Even the large and powerful American Federation of
Labour (AFL), which nominally took the WTUL under its wing,
kept it at a distance. Because the AFL’S power stemmed from its
highly skilled labour force, the organization saw little economic
benefit in working with the WTUL. The affiliation provided the AFL with political cover, allowing it to claim support for women
workers; in return, the WTUL gained a potent but largely absent
ally.
The WTUL also had to overcome internal discord. While the
majority of the group's members were working women, a sizeable
and powerful minority consisted of middle- and upperclass social
reformers whose goals extended beyond labour reform. While
workers argued that the WTUL should focus its efforts on
collective bargaining and working conditions, the reformers
looked beyond the workplace, seeking state and national
legislation aimed at education reform and urban poverty relief as
well as workplace issues.
Despite these obstacles, the WTUL accomplished a great deal.
The organization was instrumental in the passage of state laws
mandating an eight-hour workday, a minimum wage for women,
and a ban on child labour. It provided seed money to women who
organized workers in specific plants and industries, and also
established strike funds and soup kitchens to support striking
unionists. After the tragic Triangle Shirtwaist Company fire of
1911, the WTUL launched a four-year investigation whose
conclusions formed the basis of much subsequent workplace
safety legislation. The organization also offered a political base
for all reform-minded women, and thus helped develop the next
generation of American leaders. Eleanor Roosevelt was one of
many prominent figures to emerge from the WTUL.
The organization began a slow death in the late 1920s, when the
Great Depression choked off its funding. The organization limped
through the 1940s; the death knell eventually rang in 1950, at the
onset of the McCarthy era. A turn of-the-century labour
organization dedicated to social reform, one that during its heyday
was regarded by many as "radical," stood little chance of
weathering that storm. This humble ending, however, does nothing
to diminish the accomplishments of an organization that is yet to
receive its historical due.

Question. 1

Each of the following is cited in the passage as an accomplishment of the Women's Trade Union League EXCEPT
 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Which of the following best characterizes the American Federation of Labour's view of the Women's Trade Union League, as it is presented in the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

The primary purpose of this passage is to

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 25

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term "instinct". It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spidersknow how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.

Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call for sequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature's talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.

Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature's engineering marvels - an organ with "that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration," in Darwin's words - gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist's point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school - as Oscar Wilde said, "Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember from time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught." A preschooler's tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer language system, and the same applies to all healthy human beings, even the notorious syntax - fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like, inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

Question. 1

. Which of the following best summarizes the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 2

According to the passage, complexity of language cannot be taught by parents or at school to children because

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 3

According to the passage, which of the following is unique to human beings?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 4

Which of the following can be used to replace the "spiders know how to spin webs" analogy as used by the author?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 5

According to the passage, which of the following does not stem from popular wisdom on language?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Comprehension. 26

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

To summarize the Classic Maya collapse, we can tentatively identify five strands. I acknowledge, however, that Maya archaeologists still disagree vigorously among themselves - in part, because the different strands evidently varied in importance among different parts of the Maya realm; because detailed archaeological studies are available for only some Maya sites; and because it remains puzzling why most of the Maya heartland remained nearly empty of population and failed to recover after the collapse and after re-growth of forests.

With those caveats, it appears to me that one strand consisted of population growth outstripping available resources: a dilemma similar to the one foreseen by Thomas Malthus in 1798 and being played out today in Rwanda, Haiti and elsewhere. As the archaeologist David Webster succinctly puts it, "Too many farmers grew too many crops on too much of landscape." Compounding that mismatch between population and resources was the second strand: the effects of deforestation and hillside erosion, which caused a decrease in the amount of usable farmland at a time when more rather than less farmland was needed, and possibly exacerbated by an anthropogenic drought resulting from deforestation, by soil nutrient depletion and other soil problems, and by the struggle to prevent bracken ferns from overrunning the fields.

The third strand consisted of increased fighting, as more and more people fought over fewer resources. Maya warfare, already endemic, peaked just before the collapse. That is not surprising when one reflects that at least five million people, perhaps many more, were crammed into an area smaller than the US state of Colorado (104,000 square miles). That warfare would have decreased further the amount of land available for agriculture, by creating no-man's lands between principalities where it was now unsafe to farm. Bringing matters to a head was the strand of climate change. The drought at the time of the Classic collapse was not the first drought that the Maya had lived through, but it was the most severe. At the time of previous droughts, there were still uninhabited parts of the Maya landscape, and people at a site affected by drought could save themselves by moving to another site. However, by the time of the Classic collapse the landscape was now full, there was no useful unoccupied land in the vicinity on which to begin anew, and the whole population could not be accommodated in the few areas that continued to have reliable water supplies.

As our fifth strand, we have to wonder why the kings and nobles failed to recognize and solve these seemingly obvious problems undermining their society. Their attention was evidently focused on their short-term concerns of enriching themselves, waging wars, erecting monuments, competing with each other, and extracting enough food from the peasants to support all those activities. Like most leaders throughout human history, the Maya kings and nobles did not heed long-term problems, insofar as they perceived them. Finally, while we still have some other past societies to consider before we switch our attention to the modern world, we mustalready be struck by some parallels between the Maya and the past societies. As on Mangareva, the Maya environmental and population problems led to increasing warfare and civil strife. Similarly, on Easter Island and at Chaco Canyon, the Maya peak population numbers were followed swiftly by political and social collapse. Paralleling the eventual extension of agriculture from Easter Island's coastal lowlands to its uplands, and from the Mimbres floodplain to the hills, Copan's inhabitants also expanded from the floodplain to the more fragile hill slopes, leaving them with a larger population to feed when the agricultural boom in the hills went bust. Like Easter Island chiefs erecting ever larger statues, eventually crowned by pukao, and like Anasazi elite treating themselves to necklaces of 2,000 turquoise heads. Maya kings sought to outdo each other with more and more impressive temples, covered with thicker and thicker plaster - reminiscent in turn of the extravagant conspicuous consumption by modern American CEOs. The passivity of Easter chiefs and Maya kings in the face of the real big threats to their societies completes our list of disquieting parallels.

Question. 1

Which factor has not been cited as one of the factors causing the collapse of Maya society?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 2

According to the author, why is it difficult to explain the reasons for Maya collapse?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 3

According to the passage, the drought at the time of Maya collapse had a different impact compared to the droughts earlier because

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 4

By an anthropogenic drought, the author means

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 5

According to the passage, which of the following best represents the factor that has been cited by the author in the context of Rwanda and Haiti?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Comprehension. 27

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Human Biology does nothing to structure human society. Age may enfeeble us all, but cultures vary considerably in the prestige and power they accord to the elderly. Giving birth is a necessary condition for being a mother, but it is not sufficient. We expect mothers to behave in maternal ways and to display appropriately maternal sentiments. We prescribe a clutch of norms or rules that govern the role of a mother. That the social role is independent of the biological base can be demonstrated by going back three sentences. Giving birth is certainly not sufficient to be a mother but, as adoption and fostering show, it is not even necessary!

The fine detail of what is expected of a mother or a father or a dutiful son differs from culture to culture, but everywhere behaviour is coordinated by the reciprocal nature of roles. Husbands and wives, parents and children, employers and employees, waiters and customers, teachers and pupils, warlords and followers; each makes sense only in its relation to the other. The term ‘role’ is an appropriate one, because the metaphor of an actor in a play neatly expresses the rule-governed nature or scripted nature of much of social life and the sense that society is a joint production. Social life occurs only because people play their parts (and that is as true for war and conflicts as for peace and love) and those parts make sense only in the context of the overall show. The drama metaphor also reminds us of the artistic licence available to the players. We can play a part straight or, as the following from J. P. Sartre conveys, we can ham it up.

Let us consider this waiter in the café. His movement is quick and forward, a little too precise, a little too rapid. He comes towards the patrons with a step a little too quick. He bends forward a little too eagerly; his voice, his eyes express an interest a little too solicitous for the order of the customer. Finally there he returns, trying to imitate in his walk the inflexible stiffness of some kind of automaton while carrying his tray with the recklessness of a tightrope walker.... All his behaviour seems to us a game....But what is he playing? We need not watch long before we can explain it: he is playing at being a waiter in a café.

The American sociologist Erving Goffman built an influential body of social analysis on elaborations of the metaphor of social life as drama. Perhaps his most telling point was that it is only through acting out a part that we express character. It is not enough to be evil or virtuous; we have to be seen to be evil or virtuous.

There is distinction between the roles we play and some underlying self. Here we might note that some roles are more absorbing than others. We would not be surprised by the waitress who plays the part in such a way as to signal to us that she is much more than her occupation. We would be surprised and offended by the father who played his part ‘tongue in cheek’. Some roles are broader and more far-reaching than others. Describing someone as a clergyman or faith healer would say far more about that person than describing someone as a bus driver.

Question. 1

It has been claimed in the passage that “some roles are more absorbing than others”. According to the passage, which of the following seem(s) appropriate reason(s) for such a claim?

Some roles carry great expectations from the society preventing manifestation of the true self.

B. Society ascribes so much importance to some roles that the conception of self may get aligned with the roles being performed.

C. Some roles require development of skill and expertise leaving little time for manifestation of self.

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 2

Which of the following would have been true if biological linkages structured human society?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 3

What is the thematic highlight of this passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Comprehension. 28

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

The difficulties historians face in establishing cause-and-effect relations in the history of human societies are broadly similar to the difficulties facing astronomers, climatologists, ecologists, evolutionary biologists, geologists, and paleontologists. To varying degrees each of these fields is plagued by the impossibility of performing replicated, controlled experimental interventions, the complexity arising from enormous numbers of variables, the resulting uniqueness of each system, the consequent impossibility of formulating universal laws, and the difficulties of predicting emergent properties and future behaviour. Prediction in history, as in other historical sciences, is most feasible on large spatial scales and over long times, when the unique features of millions of small-scale brief’ events become averaged out. Just as I could predict the sex ratio of the next 1,000 newborns but not the sexes of my own two children, the historian can recognize factors that made inevitable the broad outcome of the collision between American and Eurasian societies after 13,000 years of separate developments, but not the outcome of the 1960 U.S. presidential election. The details of which candidate said what during a single televised debate in October 1960 could have given the electoral victory to Nixon instead of to Kennedy, but no details of who said what could have blocked the European conquest of Native Americans.

How can students of human history profit from the experience of scientists in other historical sciences? A methodology that has proved useful involves the comparative method and so-called natural experiments. While neither astronomers studying galaxy formation nor human historians can manipulate their systems in controlled laboratory experiments, they both can take advantage of natural experiments, by comparing systems differing in the presence or absence (or in the strong or weak effect) of some putative causative factor. For example, epidemiologists, forbidden to feed large amounts of salt to people experimentally, have still been able to identify effects of high salt intake by comparing groups of humans who already differ greatly in their salt intake; and cultural anthropologists, unable to provide human groups experimentally with varying resource abundances for many centuries, still study long-term effects of resource abundance on human societies by comparing recent Polynesian populations living on islands differing naturally in resource abundance.

The student of human history can draw on many more natural experiments than just comparisons among the five inhabited continents. Comparisons can also utilize large islands that have developed complex societies in a considerable degree of isolation (such as Japan, Madagascar, Native American Hispaniola, New Guinea, Hawaii, and many others), as well as societies on hundreds of smaller islands and regional societies within each of the continents. Natural experiments in any field, whether in ecology or human history, are inherently open to potential methodological criticisms. Those include confounding effects of natural variation in additional variables besides the one of interest, as well as problems in inferring chains of causation from observed correlations between variables. Such methodological problems have been discussed in great detail for some of the historical sciences. In particular, epidemiology, the science of drawing inferences about human diseases by comparing groups of people (often by retrospective historical studies), has for a long time successfully employed formalized procedures for dealing with problems similar to those facing historians of human societies.

In short, I acknowledge that it is much more difficult to understand human history than to understand problems in fields of science where history is unimportant and where fewer individual variables operate. Nevertheless, successful methodologies for analyzing historical problems have been worked out in several fields. As a result, the histories of dinosaurs, nebulae, and glaciers are generally acknowledged to belong to fields of science rather than to the humanities.

Question. 1

According to the author, why is prediction difficult in history?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 2

Why do islands with considerable degree of isolation provide valuable insights into human history?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 3

According to the author, which of the following statements would be true?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Comprehension. 29

Fifteen years after communism was officially pronounced dead, its spectre seems once again to be haunting Europe. Last month, the Council of Europe’s parliamentary assembly voted to condemn the “crimes of totalitarian communist regimes,” linking them with Nazism and complaining that communist parties are still “legal and active in some countries.” Now Goran Lindblad, the conservative Swedish MP behind the resolution, wants to go further. Demands that European Ministers launch a continent-wide anti-communist campaign - including school textbook revisions, official memorial days, and museums - only narrowly missed the necessary two-thirds majority. Mr. Lindblad pledged to bring the wider plans back to the Council of Europe in the coming months.

He has chosen a good year for his ideological offensive: this is the 50th anniversary of Nikita Khrushchev’s denunciation of Josef Stalin and the subsequent Hungarian uprising, which will doubtless be the cue for further excoriation of the communist record. Paradoxically, given that there is no communist government left in Europe outside Moldova, the attacks have if anything, become more extreme as time has gone on. A clue as to why that might be can be found in the rambling report by Mr. Lindblad that led to the Council of Europe declaration. Blaming class struggle and public ownership, he explained “different elements of communist ideology such as equality or social justice still seduce many” and “a sort of nostalgia for communism is still alive.” Perhaps the real problem for Mr. Lindblad and his right-wing allies in Eastern Europe is that communism is not dead enough - and they will only be content when they have driven a stake through its heart

The fashionable attempt to equate communism and Nazism is in reality a moral and historical nonsense. Despite the cruelties of the Stalin terror, there was no Soviet Treblinka or Sorbibor, no extermination camps built to murder millions. Nor did the Soviet Union launch the most devastating war in history at a cost of more than 50 million lives - in fact it played the decisive role in the defeat of the German war machine. Mr. Lindblad and the Council of Europe adopt as fact the wildest estimates of those “killed by communist regimes” (mostly in famines) from the fiercely contested Black Book of Communism, which also underplays the number of deaths attributable to Hitler. But, in any case, none of this explains why anyone might be nostalgic in former communist states, now enjoying the delights of capitalist restoration. The dominant account gives no sense of how communist regimes renewed themselves after 1956 or why Western leaders feared they might overtake the capitalist world well into the 1960s. For all its brutalities and failures, communism in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and elsewhere delivered rapid industrialization, mass education, job security, and huge advances in social and gender equality. Its existence helped to drive up welfare standards in the West, and provided a powerful counterweight to Western global domination.

It would be easier to take the Council of Europe’s condemnation of communist state crimes seriously if it had also seen fit to denounce the far bloodier record of European colonialism - which only finally came to an end in the 1970s. This was a system of racist despotism, which dominated the globe in Stalin’s time. And while there is precious little connection between the ideas of fascism and communism, there is an intimate link between colonialism and Nazism. The terms lebensraum and konzentrationslager were both first used by the German colonial regime in south-west Africa (now Namibia), which committed genocide against the Herero and Nama peoples and bequeathed its ideas and personnel directly to the Nazi party..

Around 10 million Congolese died as a result of Belgian forced labour and mass murder in the early twentieth century; tens of millions perished in avoidable or enforced famines in British-ruled India; up to a million Algerians died in their war for independence, while controversy now rages in France about a new law requiring teachers to put a positive spin on colonial history. Comparable atrocities were carried out by all European colonialists, but not a word of condemnation from the Council of Europe. Presumably, European lives count for more.

No major twentieth century political tradition is without blood on its hands, but battles over history are more about the future than the past. Part of the current enthusiasm in official Western circles for dancing on the grave of communism is no doubt about relations with today’s Russia and China. But it also reflects a determination to prove there is no alternative to the new global capitalist order - and that any attempt to find one is bound to lead to suffering. With the new imperialism now being resisted in the Muslim world and Latin America, growing international demands for social justice and ever greater doubts about whether the environmental crisis can be solved within the existing economic system, the pressure for alternatives will increase.

Question. 1

Which of the following cannot be inferred as a compelling reason for the silence of the Council of Europe on colonial atrocities?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 2

Why, according to the author, is Nazism closer to colonialism than it is to communism?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 3

The author cites examples of atrocities perpetrated by European colonial regimes in order to

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 4

What, according to the author, is the real reason for a renewed attack against communism?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 5

Among all the apprehensions that Mr. Goran Lindblad expresses against communism, which one gets admitted, although indirectly, by the author?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Comprehension. 30

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Our propensity to look out for regularities, and to impose laws upon nature, leads to the psychological phenomenon of dogmatic thinking or, more generally, dogmatic behaviour: we expect regularities everywhere and attempt to find them even where there are none; events which do not yield to these attempts we are inclined to treat as a kind of ‘background noise’; and we stick to our expectations even when they are inadequate and we ought to accept defeat. This dogmatism is to some extent necessary. It is demanded by a situation which can only be dealt with by forcing our conjectures upon the world. Moreover, this dogmatism allows us to approach a good theory in stages, by way of approximations: if we accept defeat too easily, we may prevent ourselves from finding that we were very nearly right.

It is clear that this dogmatic attitude, which makes us stick to our first impressions, is indicative of a strong belief; while a critical attitude, which is ready to modify its tenets, which admits doubt and demands tests, is indicative of a weaker belief. Now according to Hume’s theory, and to the popular theory, the strength of a belief should be a product of repetition; thus it should always grow with experience, and always be greater in less primitive persons. But dogmatic thinking, an uncontrolled wish to impose regularities, a manifest pleasure in rites and in repetition as such, is characteristic of primitives and children; and increasing experience and maturity sometimes create an attitude of caution and criticism rather than of dogmatism.

My logical criticism of Hume’s psychological theory, and the considerations connected with it, may seem a little removed from the field of the philosophy of science. But the distinction between dogmatic and critical thinking, or the dogmatic and the critical attitude, brings us right back to our central problem. For the dogmatic attitude is clearly related to the tendency to verify our laws and schemata by seeking to apply them and to confirm them, even to the point of neglecting refutations, whereas the critical attitude is one of readiness to change them - to test them; to refute them; to falsify them, if possible. This suggests that we may identify the critical attitude with the scientific attitude, and the dogmatic attitude with the one which we have described as pseudo-scientific. It further suggests that genetically speaking the pseudo-scientific attitude is more primitive than, and prior to, the scientific attitude: that it is a pre-scientific attitude. And this primitivity or priority also has its logical aspect. For the critical attitude is not so much opposed to the dogmatic attitude as super-imposed upon it: criticism must be directed against existing and influential beliefs in need of critical revision - in other words, dogmatic beliefs. A critical attitude needs for its raw material, as it were, theories or beliefs which are held more or less dogmatically.

Thus, science must begin with myths, and with the criticism of myths; neither with the collection of observations, nor with the invention of experiments, but with the critical discussion of myths, and of magical techniques and practices. The scientific tradition is distinguished from the pre-scientific tradition in having two layers. Like the latter, it passes on its theories; but it also passes on a critical attitude towards them. The theories are passed on, not as dogmas, but rather with the challenge to discuss them and improve upon them.

The critical attitude, the tradition of free discussion of theories with the aim of discovering their weak spots so that they may be improved upon, is the attitude of reasonableness, of rationality. From the point of view here developed, all laws, all theories, remain essentially tentative, or conjectural, or hypothetical, even when we feel unable to doubt them any longer. Before a theory has been refuted we can never know in what way it may have to be modified.

Question. 1

According to the passage, which of the following statements best describes the difference between science and pseudoscience?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 2

Which of the following statements best supports the argument in the passage that a critical attitude leads to a weaker belief than a dogmatic attitude does?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 3

Dogmatic behaviour, in this passage, has been associated with primitives and children. Which of the following best describes the reason why the author compares primitives with children?

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 4

According to the passage, the role of a dogmatic attitude or dogmatic behaviour in the development of science is

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Question. 5

 In the context of science, according to the passage, the interaction of dogmatic beliefs and critical attitude can be best described as:

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)
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Comprehension. 31

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Crinoline and croquet are out. As yet, no political activists have thrown themselves in front of the royal horse on Derby Day. Even so, same historians can spat the parallels. It is a time of rapid technological change. It is a period when the dominance of the world’s superpower is coming under threat. It is an epoch when prosperity masks underlying economic strain. And, crucially, it is a time when policy-makers are confident that all is for the best in the best of all possible worlds. Welcome to the Edwardian Summer of the second age of globalisation.

Spare a moment to take stock of what’s been happening in the past few months. Let’s start with the oil price, which has rocketed to more than $65 a barrel, more than double its level 18 months ago. The accepted wisdom is that we shouldn’t worry our little heads about that, because the incentives are there for business to build new production and refining capacity, which will effortlessly bring demand and supply back into balance and bring crude prices back to $25 a barrel. As Tommy Cooper used to say, ‘just like that’.

Then there is the result of the French referendum on the European Constitution, seen as thick-headed luddites railing vainly against the modern world. What the French needed to realise, the argument went, was that there was no alternative to the reforms that would make the country more flexible, more competitive, more dynamic. Just the sort of reforms that allowed Gate Gourmet to sack hundreds of its staff at Heathrow after the sort of ultimatum that used to be handed out by Victorian mill owners. An alternative way of looking at the French “non” is that our neighbours translate “flexibility” as “you’re fired”.

Finally, take a squint at the United States. Just like Britain a century ago, a period of unquestioned superiority is drawing to a close. China is still a long way from matching America’s wealth, but it is growing at a stupendous rate and economic strength brings geo-political clout. Already, there is evidence of a new scramble for Africa as Washington and Beijing compete for oil stocks. Moreover, beneath the surface of the US economy, all is not well. Growth looks healthy enough, but the competition from China and elsewhere has meant the world’s biggest economy now imports far more than it exports. The US is living beyond its means, but in this time of studied complacency a current account deficit worth 6 percent of gross domestic product is seen as a sign of strength, not weakness.

In this new Edwardian summer, comfort is taken from the fact that dearer oil has not had the savage inflationary consequences of 1973-74, when a fourfold increase in the cost of crude brought an abrupt end to a postwar boom that had gone on uninterrupted for a quarter of a century. True, the cost of living has been affected by higher transport costs, but we are talking of inflation at 2.3 per cent and not 27 percent. Yet the idea that higher oil prices are of little consequence is fanciful. If people are paying more to fill up their cars it leaves them with less to spend on everything else, but there is a reluctance to consume less. In the 1970s unions were strong and able to negotiate large, compensatory pay deals that served to intensify inflationary pressure. In 2005, that avenue is pretty much closed off, but the abolition of all the controls on credit that existed in the 1970s means that households are invited to borrow more rather than consume less. The knock-on effects of higher oil prices are thus felt in different ways - through high levels of indebtedness, in inflated asset prices, and in balance of payments deficits.

There are those who point out, rightly, that modem industrial capitalism has proved mightily resilient these past 250 years, and that a sign of the enduring strength of the system has been the way it apparently shrugged off everything - a stock market crash, 9/11, rising oil prices - that have been thrown at it in the half decade since the millennium. Even so, there are at least three reasons for concern. First, we have been here before. In terms of political economy, the first era of globalisation mirrored our own. There was a belief in unfettered capital flows, in free trade, and in the power of the market. It was a time of massive income inequality and unprecedented migration. Eventually, though, there was a backlash, manifested in a struggle between free traders and protectionists, and in rising labour militancy.

Second, the world is traditionally at its most fragile at times when the global balance of power is in flux. By the end of the nineteenth century, Britain’s role as the hegemonic power was being challenged by the rise of the United States, Germany, and Japan while the Ottoman and Hapsburg empires were clearly in rapid decline. Looking ahead from 2005, it is clear that over the next two or three decades, both China and India - which together account for half the world’s population - will flex their muscles. Finally, there is the question of what rising oil prices tell us. The emergence of China and India means global demand for crude is likely to remain high at a time when experts say production is about to top out. If supply constraints start to bite, any declines in the price are likely to be short-term cyclical affairs punctuating a long upward trend.

Question. 1

By the expression ‘Edwardian Summer’, the author refers to a period in which there is

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

What, according to the author, has resulted in a widespread belief in the resilience of modem capitalism?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

What can be inferred about the author’s view when he states, ‘As Tommy Cooper used to say “just like that”’?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

Which of the following best represents the key argument made by the author?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 32

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

A game of strategy, as currently conceived in game theory, is a situation in which two or more “players” make choices among available alternatives (moves). The totality of choices determines the outcomes of the game, and it is assumed that the rank order of preferences for the outcomes is different for different players. Thus the “interests” of the players are generally in conflict. Whether these interests are diametrically opposed or only partially opposed depends on the type of game.

Psychologically, most interesting situations arise when the interests of the players are partly coincident and partly opposed, because then one can postulate not only a conflict among the players but also inner conflicts within the players. Each is torn between a tendency to cooperate, so as to promote the common interests, and a tendency to compete, so as to enhance his own individual interests.

Internal conflicts are always psychologically interesting. What we vaguely call “interesting” psychology is in very great measure the psychology of inner conflict. Inner conflict is also held to be an important component of serious literature as distinguished from less serious genres. The classical tragedy, as well as the serious novel, reveals the inner conflict of central figures. The superficial adventure story, on the other hand, depicts only external conflict; that is, the threats to the person with whom the reader (or viewer) identifies stem in these stories exclusively from external obstacles and from the adversaries who create them. On the most primitive level this sort of external conflict is psychologically empty. In the fisticuffs between the protagonists of good and evil, no psychological problems are involved or, at any rate, none are depicted in juvenile representations of conflict.

The detective story, the “adult” analogue of a juvenile adventure tale, has at times been described as a glorification of intellectualized conflict. However, a great deal of the interest in the plots of these stories is sustained by withholding the unraveling of a solution to a problem. The effort of solving the problem is in itself not a conflict if the adversary (the unknown criminal) remains passive, like Nature, whose secrets the scientist supposedly unravels by deduction. If the adversary actively puts obstacles in the detective’s path toward the solution, there is genuine conflict. But the conflict is psychologically interesting only to the extent that it contains irrational components such as a tactical error on the criminal’s part or the detective’s insight into some psychological quirk of the criminal or something of this sort. Conflict conducted in a perfectly rational manner is psychologically no more interesting than a standard Western. For example, Tic-tac-toe, played perfectly by both players, is completely devoid of psychological interest. Chess may be psychologically interesting but only to the extent that it is played not quite rationally. Played completely rationally, chess would not be different from Tic-tac-toe.

In short, a pure conflict of interest (what is called a zero-sum game) although it offers a wealth of interesting conceptual problems, is not interesting psychologically, except to the extent that its conduct departs from rational norms.

Question. 1

Which, according to the author, would qualify as interesting psychology?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

According to the passage, internal conflicts are psychologically more interesting than external conflicts because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

The problem solving process of a scientist is different from that of a detective because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

According to the passage, which of the following options about the application of game theory to a conflict-of-interest situation is true?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 33

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

The viability of the multinational corporate system depends upon the degree to which people will tolerate the unevenness it creates. It is well to remember that the ‘New Imperialism’ which began after 1870 in a spirit of Capitalism Triumphant, soon became seriously troubled and after 1914 was characterised by war, depression, breakdown of the international economic system and war again, rather than Free Trade, Pax Britannica and Material Improvement. A major reason was Britain’s inability to cope with the byproducts of its own rapid accumulation of capital; i.e., a class-conscious labour force at home; a middle class in the hinterland; and rival centres of capital on the Continent and in America. Britain’s policy tended to be atavistic and defensive rather than progressive --- more concerned with warding off new threats than creating new areas of expansion. Ironically, Edwardian England revived the paraphernalia of the landed aristocracy it had just destroyed. Instead of embarking on a ‘big push’ to develop the vast hinterland of the Empire, colonial administrators often adopted policies to arrest the development of either a native capitalist class or a native proletariat which could overthrow them.

As time went on, the centre had to devote an increasing share of government activity to military and other unproductive expenditures, they had to rely on alliances with an inefficient class of landlords, officials and soldiers in the hinterland to maintain stability at the cost of development. A great part of the surplus extracted from the population was thus wasted locally.

The New Mercantilism (as the Multinational Corporate System of Special alliances and privileges, aid and tariff concessions is sometimes called) faces similar problems of internal and external division. The centre is troubled excluded groups revolt and even some of the affluent are dissatisfied with the roles. Nationalistic rivalry between major capitalist countries remains an important divisive factor. Finally, there is the threat presented by the middle classes and the excluded groups of the undeveloped countries.

The national middle classes in the underdeveloped countries came to power when the centre weakened but could not, through their policy of import substitution manufacturing, establish a viable basis for sustained growth. They now face a foreign exchange crisis and an unemployment (or population) crisis --- the first indicating their inability to function in the international economy and the second indicating their alienation from the people they are supposed to lead. In the immediate future, these national middle classes will gain a new lease of life as they take advantage of the spaces created by the rivalry between American and non-American oligopolists striving to establish global market positions.

The native capitalists will again become the champions of national independence as they bargain with multinational corporations. But the conflict at this level is more apparent than real, for in the end the fervent nationalism of the middle class asks only for promotion within the corporate structure and not for a break with that structure. In the last analysis their power derives from the metropolis and they cannot easily afford to challenge the international system. They do not command the loyalty of their own population and connot really compete with the large, powerful, aggregate capitals from the centre. They are prisoners of the taste patterns and consumptions standards set at the centre.

The main threat comes from the excluded groups. It is not unusual in underdeveloped countries for the top 5 percent to obtain between 30 and 40 percent of the total national income, and for the top one-third to obtain anywhere from 60 to 70 percent. At most, one -third of the population can be said to benefit in some sense from the dualistic growth that characterizes development in the hinterland. The remaining two-thirds, who together get only one-third of the income, are outsider, not because they do not contribute to the economy, but because they do not share in the benefits. They provide a source of cheap labour which helps keep exports to the developed world at a low price and which has financed the urban-biased growth of recent years. In fact, it is difficult to see how the system in most underdeveloped could survive without cheap labour since removing it (e.g. diverting it to public works projects as is done in socialist counties) would raise consumption costs to capitalists and professional elites.

Question. 1

Under New Mercantilism, the fervent nationalism of the native middle classes does not create conflict with the multinational corporations because they (the middle classes)

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

In sentence, “They are prisoners of the taste patterns and consumption standards set at the centre.” (fourth paragraph), what is the meaning of ‘centre’?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

According to the author, the British policy during the ‘New Imperalism’ period tended to be defensive because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

The author is in a position to draw parallels between New Imperialism and New Mercantilism because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 34

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Pure love of learning, of course, was a less compelling motive for those who became educated for careers other than teaching. Students of law in particular had a reputation for being materialistic careerists in an age when law was becoming known as “the lucrative science” and its successful practice the best means for rapid advancement in the government of both church and state. Medicine too had its profit-making attractions. Those who did not go on to law or medicine could, if they had been well trained in the arts, gain position at royal courts or rise in the clergy. Eloquent testimony to the profit motive behind much of twelfth-century education was the lament of a student of Abelard around 1150 that “ Christians educate their sons... for gain, in order that the one brother, if he be a clerk, may help his father and mother and his other brothers, saying that a clerk will have no heir and whatever he has will be ours and the other brothers.” With the opening of positions in law, government, and the church, education became a means for advancement not only in income but also in status. Most who were educated were wealthy, but in the twelfth century, more often than before, many were not and were able to rise through the ranks by means of their education. The most often than before, many were not and were able to rise through the ranks by means of their education. The most familiar examples are Thomas Becket, who rose from a humble background to become chancellor of England and then archbishop of Canterbury, and John of Salisbury, who was born a “plebeian” but because of his reputation for learning died as bishop of Chartres.

The instances of Becket and John of Salisbury bring us to the most difficult question concerning twelfth-century education : To what degree was it still a clerical preserve ? Despite the fact that throughout the twelfth century the clergy had a monopoly of instruction, one of the outstanding medievalists of our day, R. W. Southern, refers with good reason to the institution, staffed by the clergy as “secular schools.” How can we make sense out of the paradox that twelfth-century school were clerical and yet “secular”?

Let us look at the clerical side first. Not only were all twelfth-century teachers except professionals and craftsmen in church orders, but in northern Europe students in schools had clerical status and looked like priests. Not that all really were priests, but by virtue of being students all were awarded the legal privileges accorded to the clergy. Furthermore, the large majority of twelfth-century students, outside of the possible exception of Italy, if not already priests became so after their studies were finished. For these reasons, the term “cleric” was often use to denote a man who was literate and the term “layman” one who was illiterate. The English word for cleric, clerk, continued for a long time to be a synonym for student or for a man who could write, while the French word clerc even today has the connotation of intellectual

Despite all this, twelfth-century education was taking on many secular qualities in its environment, goals, and curriculum. Student life obviously became more secular when it moved out from the monasteries into the bustling towns. Most students wandered from town to town in search not only of good masters but also of worldly excitement, and as the twelfth century progressed they found the best of each in Paris. More important than environment was the fact that most students, even though they entered the clergy, had secular goals. Theology was recognized as the “queen of the sciences,” but very few went on to it. Instead they used their study of the liberal arts as a preparation for law, medicine, government service, or advancement in the ecclesiastical hierarchy.

This being so, the curriculum of the liberal arts became more sophisticated and more divorced from religion. Teaching was still almost exclusively in Latin, and the first book most often read was the Psalter, but further education was no longer similar to that of a choir school. In particular, the discipline of rhetoric was transformed form a linguistic study into instruction in how to compose letters and documents; there was a new stress on logic; and in all the liberal arts and philosophy texts more advanced than those known in the early Middle Ages were introduced.

Along with the rise of logic came the translation of Greek and Arabic Philosophical and scientific works. Most important was the translation of almost all the writing of Aristotle, as well as his sophisticated Arabic commentators, which helped to bring about an intellectual revolution based on Greek rationalism. On a more prosaic level, contact with Arabs resulted in the introduction in the twelfth century of the Arabic numeral system and the concept of Zero. Though most westerners first resisted this and made crude jokes about the zero as an ambitious number “that counts for nothing and yet wants to be counted,” the system steadily made its inroads first in Italy and then throughout Europe, thereby vastly simplifying the arts of computation and record keeping.

 

Question. 1

According to the passage, what led to the secularization of the curriculum of the liberal arts in the twelfth century?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

According to the author, in the twelfth century, individuals were motivated to get higher education because it

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

According to the passage, twelfth century schools were clerical and yet secular because 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

What does the sentence “Christians educate their sons .............. will be our and the other brother’s” imply?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

According to the passage, which of the following is the most noteworthy trend in education in twelfth-century Europe?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 35

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

While I was in class at Columbia, struggling with the esoterica du jour, my father was on a bricklayer’s scaffold not far up the street, working on a campus building. Once we met up on the subway going home – he was with his tools, I with my books. My father wasn’t interested in Thucydides, and I wasn’t up on arches. My dad has built lots of places in New York city he can’t get into : colleges, condos, office towers. He made his living on the outside. Once the walls were up, a place took on a different feel for him, as though he wasn’t welcome anymore. Related by blood, we’re separated by class, my father and I. Being the white-collar child of a blue-collar parent means being the hinge on the door between two ways of life. With one foot in the working-class, the other in the middle class, people like me are Straddlers, at home in neither world, living a limbo life.

What drove me to leave what I knew ? Born blue-collar, I still never felt completely at home among the tough guys and antiintellectual crowd of my neighbourhood in deepest Brooklyn. I never did completely fit in among the preppies and suburban royalty of Columbia, either. It’s like that for Straddles. It was not so smooth jumping from Italian old-world style to US professional in a single generation. Others who were the first in their families to go to college, will tell you the same thing : the academy can render you unrecognisable to the very people who launched you into the world. The ideas and values absorbed in college challenge the mom-andpop orthodoxy that passed for truth for 18 years. Limbo folk may eschew polyester blends for sea-isle cotton, prefer Brie to Kraft slices. They marry outside the neighbourhood and raise their kids differently. They might not be in church on Sunday.

When they pick careers (not jobs), it’s often a kind of work their parents never heard of or can’t understand. But for the whitecollar kids of blue-collar parents, the office is not necessarily a sanctuary. In corporate America, where the rules are based on notions foreign to working-class people, a straddler can get lost. Social class counts at the office, even though nobody likes to admit it. Ultimately, corporate norms are based on middle-class values, business types say. From an early age, middle-class people learn how to get along, using diplomacy, nuance, and politics to grab what they need. It is as though they are following a set of rules laid out in a manual that blue-collar families never have the chance to read.

People born into the middle class to parents with college degrees have lived lives filled with what French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu calls ‘cultural capital’. Growing up in an educated environment, they learn about Picasso and Mozart, stock portfolios and creme brulee. In a home with cultural capital, there are networks : someone always has an aunt or golfing buddy with the inside track for an internship or some entry-level job. Dinner-table talk could involve what happened that day to mom and dad at the law firm, the doctor’s office, or the executive suits. Middle-class kids can grow up with a sense of entitlement that will carry them through their lives.

This ‘belongingness’ is not just related to having material means, it also has to do with learning and possessing confidence in your place in the world. Such early access and direct exposure to culture in the home is the more organic, can learn it, but never as well. Something is always a little off about us, like an engine with imprecise timing. There’s a greater match between middle-class lives and the institutions in which the middle class works and operates - universities or corporations. Children of the middle and upper classes have been speaking the language of the bosses and supervisors forever.

Blue-collar kids are taught by their parents and communities to work hard to achieve, and that merit is rewarded. But no bluecollar parent knows whether such things are true in the middle-class world. Many professionals born to the working-class report feeling out of place and outmanoeuvred in the office. Soon enough, Straddlers learn that straight talk won’t always cut. Resolving conflicts head-on-and speaking your mind doesn’t always work, no matter how educated the straddler is.

In the working-class, people perform jobs in which they are closely supervised and are required to follow orders and instruction. That, in turn, affects how they socialise their children. Children of the working-class are brought up in a home in which conformity, obedience and intolerance for back talk are the norm – the same characteristics that make a good factory worker.

Question. 1

Which of the following statements about Straddlers does the passage NOT support explicitly?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

What does the author’s statement, “My father wasn’t interested in Thucydides, and I wasn’t up on arches”, illustrate?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

When Straddlers enter white collar jobs, they get lost because :

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

According to the passage, the patterns of socialization of working-class children make them most suited for jobs that require

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

According to the passage, which of the following statement about ‘cultural capital’ is NOT  true.

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 36

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

At first sight, it looks as though panchayati raj, the lower layer of federalism in our polity, is as firmly entrenched in our system as is the older and higher layer comprising the Union government and the States. Like the democratic institutions at the higher level, those at the panchayat level, the panchayati raj institutions (PRIs), are written into and protected by the Constitution. All the essential features, which distinguish a unitary system from a federal one, are as much enshrined at the lower as at the upper level of our federal system. But look closely and you will discover a fatal flaw. The letter of the Constitution as well as the spirit of the present polity have exposed the intra-State level of our federal system to a dilemma of which the inter-State and Union-State layers are free. The flaw has many cause. But all of them are rooted in an historical anomaly, that while the dynamics of federalism and democracy have given added strength to the rights given to the States in the Constitution, they have worked against the rights of panchayats.

At both levels of our federal system there is the same tussle between those who have certain rights and those who try to encroach upon them if they believe they can. Thus the Union Government was able to encroach upon certain rights given to the States by the Constitution. It got away with that because the single dominant party system, which characterised Centre-State relations for close upon two decades, gave the party in power at the Union level many extra-constitutional political levers. Second, the Supreme Court had not yet begun to extend the limits of its power. But all that has changed in recent times. The spurt given to multi-party democracy by the overthrow of the Emergency in 1977 became a long -term trend later on because of the ways in which a vigorously democratic multi-party system works in a political society which is as assertively pluralistic as Indian society is. It gives political clout to all the various segments which constitute that society. Secondly, because of the linguistic reorganisation of States in the 1950s,

many of the most assertive segments have found their most assertive expression as States. Thirdly, with single-party dominance becoming a thing of the past at the Union level, governments can be formed at that level only by multi-party coalitions in which Statelevel parties are major players. This has made it impossible for the Union government to do much about anything unless it also carries a sufficient number of State-level parties with it. Indian federalism is now more real than it used to be, but an unfortunate side-effect is that India’s panchayati raj system, inaugurated with fanfare in the early 1980s, has become less real.

By the time the PRIs came on the scene, most of the political space in our federal system had been occupied by the Centre in the first 30 years of Independence, and most of what was still left after that was occupied by the States in the next 20. PRIs might have hoped to wrest some space from their immediate neighbour, the States, just as the States had wrested some from the Centre. But having at last managed to checkmate the Centre’s encroachments on their rights, the States were not about to allow the PRIs to do some encroaching of their own.

By the 1980s and early 1990s, the only national party left, the congress, had gone deeper into a siege mentality. Finding itself surrounded by State-level parties, it had built walls against them instead of winning them over. Next, the States retaliated by blocking Congress proposals for panchayati raj in Parliament, suspecting that the Centre would try to use panchayats to by-pass State Governments. The suspicion fed on the fact that the powers proposed by the Congress for panchayats were very similar to many of the more lucrative powers of State Governments. State-level leaders also feared, perhaps, that if panchayat-level leaders captured some of the larger PRIs, such as district-level panchayats, they would exert pressure on State-level leaders through intra-State multi-party federalism.

It soon became obvious to Congress leaders that there was no way the panchayati raj amendments they wanted to write into the Constitution would pass muster unless State-level parties were given their pound of flesh. The amendments were allowed only after it was agreed that the powers of panchayats could be listed in the Constitution. Illustratively, they would be defined and endowed on PRIs by the State Legislature acting at its discretion.

This left the door wide open for the States to exert the power of the new political fact that while the Union and State Governments could afford to ignore panchayats as long as the MLAs were happy, the Union Government had to be sensitive to the demands of State-level parties. This has given State-level actors strong beachheads on the shores of both inter-State and intra-State federalism. By using various administrative devices and non-elected parallel structures, State Governments have subordinated their PRIs to the state administration and given the upper hand to Sate Government officials against the elected heads of PRIs. Panchayats have become local agencies for implementing schemes drawn up in distant state capitals. And their own volition has been further circumscribed by a plethora of “Centrally-sponsored schemes”. These are drawn up by even more distant Central authorities but at the same time tie up local staff and resources on pain of the schemes being switched off in the absence of matching local contribution. The “foreign aid” syndrome can be clearly seen at work behind this kind of “grass roots development”.

Question. 1

Which of the following most closely describes the ‘fatal flaw’ that the passage refers to?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

What is the “dilemma” at the intra-State level mentioned in the first paragraph of the passage?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

The sentence in the last paragraph, “And their own volition has been further circumscribed ..........”, refers to

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

The central theme of the passage can be best summarized as

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Which of the following best captures the current state of Indian federalism as described in the passage ?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 37

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Social life is an outflow and meeting of personality, which means that its end is the meeting of character, temperament, and sensibility, in which our thoughts and feelings, and sense perceptions are brought into play at their lightest and yet keenest. This aspect, to my thinking, is realized as much in large parties composed of casual acquaintances of even strangers, as in intimate meetings of old friends. I am not one of those superior persons who hold cocktail parties in contempt, looking upon them as barren or at best as very tryingly kaleidoscopic places for gathering, because of the strangers one has to meet in them ; which is no argument, for even our most intimate friends must at one time have been strangers to us. These large gatherings will be only what we make of them–if not anything better, they can be as good places to collect new friends form as the slavemarkets of Istanbul were for beautiful slaves or New Market for race horses.

But they do offer more immediate enjoyment. For one thing, in them one can see the external expression of social life in appearance and behaviour at its widest and most varied – where on can admire beauty of body or air, hear voices remarkable either for sweetness or refinement, look on elegance of clothes or deportment. What is more these parties are schools for training in sociability, for in them we have to treat strangers as friends. So, in them we see social sympathy in widest commonality spread, or at least should. We show an atrophy of the natural human instinct of getting pleasure and happiness out of other human beings if we cannot treat strangers as friends for the moment. And I would go further and paraphrase Pater to say that not to be able to discriminate every moment some passionate attitude in those about us. Even when we meet them casually, is on this short day of frost and sun which our life is, to sleep before evening

So, it will be seen that my conception of social life is modest, for it makes no demands on what we have, though it does make some on what we are. Interest, wonder, sympathy, and love, the first two leading to the last two, are the psychological prerequisites for social life; and the need for the first two must not be underrated, We cannot make the most even of our intimate social life unless we are able to make strangers of our oldest friends everyday by discovering unknown areas in their personality, and transform them into new friends, In sum, social life is a function of vitality.

It is tragic, however to observe that it is these very natural springs of social life which are drying up among us. It is becoming more and more difficult to come across fellow-feeling for human beings as such in our society–and in all its strata. In the poor middle class, in the course of all my life, I have hardly seen any social life properly so called. Not only has the grinding routine of making a living killed all desire for it in them, it has also generated a standing mood of peevish hostility to other human beings. Increasing economic distress in recent years has infinitely worsened this state of affairs, and has also brought a sinister addition-class hatred. This has become the greatest collective emotional enjoyment of the poor middle class, and indeed they feel most social when they form a pack and snarl or’ howl at people who are better off than they.

Their most innocent exhibition of sociability is seen when they spill out from their intolerable homes into the streets and bazaars. I was astonished to see the milling crowds in the poor suburbs of Calcutta. But even there a group of flippant young loafers would put on a conspiratorial look if they saw a man in good clothes passing by them either on foot or in a car. I had borrowed a car from a relative to visit a friend in one of these suburbs, and he became very anxious when I had not returned before dusk. Acid and bombs, he said, were thrown at cars almost every evening in that area. I was amazed. But I also know as a fact that my brother was blackmailed to pay five rupees on a trumped up charge when passing in a car through one such locality.

The situation is differently in human, but not a whit more human, among the well-to-do. Kindliness for fellow human beings has been smothered in them, taken as a class, by the arrogance of worldly position, which among the Bengalis who show this snobbery is often only a third class position.

Question. 1

In this passage the author is essentially

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

The author’s conception of ‘social life’ requires that

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

The word ‘they’ in the first sentence of the third paragraph refers to

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

What is the author trying to show through the two incidents in the paragraph beginning, “Their most innocent exhibition of sociability .....”?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

The word ’discriminate’ in the last sentence of the third paragraph means

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 38

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Right through history, imperial powers have clung to their possessions to death. Why, then, did Britain in 1947 give up the jewel in its crown, India? For many reasons. The independence struggle exposed the hollowness of the white man’s burden. Provincial selfrule since 1935 paved the way for full self-rule, Churchill resisted independence, but the Labour government of Atlee was antiimperialist by ideology. Finally, the Royal Indian Navy mutiny in 1946 raised fears of a second Sepoy mutiny, and convinced British waverers that it was safer to withdraw gracefully. But politico-military explanations are not enough. The basis of empire was always money. The end of empire had much to do with the fact that British imperialism had ceased to be profitable. World War II left Britain victorious but deeply indebted, needing Marshal Aid and loans from the World Bank. This constituted a strong financial case for ending the no-longer-profitable empire.

Empire building is expensive. The US is spending one billion dollars a day in operations in Iraq that fall well short of full-scale imperialism. Through the centuries, empire building was costly, yet constantly undertaken because it promised high returns. The investment was in armies and conquest. The returns came through plunder and taxes from the conquered.

No immorality was attached to imperial loot and plunder. The biggest conquerors were typically revered (hence titles like Alexander the Great, Akbar the Great, and Peter the Great). The bigger and richer the empire, the more the plunderer was admired. This mindset gradually changed with the rise of new ideas about equality and governing for the public good, ideas that culminated in the French and American revolutions. Robert Clive was impeached for making a little money on the side, and so was Warren Hastings. The white man’s burden came up as a new moral rationale for conquest. It was supposedly for the good of the conquered. This led to much muddled hypocrisy. On the one hand, the empire needed to be profitable. On the other hand, the white man’s burden made brazen loot impossible.

An additional factor deterring loot was the 1857 Sepoy Mutiny. Though crushed, it reminded the British vividly that they were a tiny ethnic group who could not rule a gigantic subcontinent without the support of important locals. After 1857, the British stopped annexing one princely state after another, and instead treated the princes as allies. Land revenue was fixed in absolute terms, partly to prevent local unrest and partly to promote the notion of the white man’s burden. The empire proclaimed itself to be a protector of the Indian peasant against exploitation by Indian elites. This was denounced as hypocrisy by nationalists like Dadabhoy Naoroji in the 19th century, who complained that land taxes led to an enormous drain from India to Britain. Objective calculations by historians like Angus Maddison suggest a drain of perhaps 1.6 percent of Indian Gross National Product in the 19th century. But land revenue was more or less fixed by the Raj in absolute terms, and so its real value diminished rapidly with inflation in the 20th century. By World War II, India had ceased to be a profit for the British Empire.

Historically, conquered nations paid taxes to finance fresh wars of the conqueror. India itself was asked to pay a large sum at the end of World War I to help repair Britain’s finances. But, as shown by historian Indivar Kamtekar, the independence movement led by Gandhiji changed the political landscape and made mass taxation of India increasingly difficult. By World War II, this had become politically impossible. Far from taxing India to pay for World War II, Britain actually began paying India for its contribution of men and goods. Troops from white dominions like Australia, Canada and New Zealand were paid for entirely by these countries, but Indian costs were shared by the British government. Britain paid in the form of non-convertible sterling balances, which mounted swiftly. The conqueror was paying the conquered undercutting the profitability on which all empire is founded. Churchill opposed this, and wanted to tax India rather than owe it money. But he was over-ruled by Indian hands who said India would resist payment, and paralyze the war effort. Leo Amery, Secretary of State for India,, said that when you are driving in a taxi to the station to catch a life-or-death train, you do not loudly announce that you have doubts whether to pay the fare. Thus, World War II converted India from a debtor to a creditor with over one billion pounds in sterling balances. Britain meanwhile, became the biggest debtor in the world. It’s not worth ruling over people you are afraid to tax.

Question. 1

Which one of the following best expresses the main purpose of the author?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Which of the following was NOT a reason for the emergence of the ‘white man’s burden as a new rationale for empire building in India?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which of the following best captures the meaning of the ‘white man’s burden’, as it is used by the author?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

What was the main lesson the British learned from the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Why didn’t Britain tax India to finance its World War II efforts?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 39

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

At the heart of the enormous boom in wine consumption that has taken place in the English-speaking world over the last two decades or so is a fascinating, happy paradox. In the days when wine was exclusively the preserve of a narrow cultural elite, bought either at auctions or from gentlemen wine merchants in wing collars to be stored in rambling cellars and decanted to order by one’s butler, the ordinary drinker didn’t get a look of wine. Wine was considered a highly technical subject, in which anybody without the necessary ability could only get flat on his or her face in embarrassment. It wasn’t just that you needed a refined aesthetic sensibility for the consumption of wine if it wasn’t to be hopelessly wasted on you. It required an intimate knowledge of what came from where, and what it was supposed to taste like.

Those were times, however, when wine appreciation essentially meant a familiarity with the great French classics, with perhaps a smattering of other wines- like sherry and port. That was what the wine trade dealt in. These days, wine is bought daily in supermarkets and high-street chains to be consumed that evening, hardly anybody has a cellar to store it in and most don’t even possess a decanter. Above all, the wines of literally dozens of countries are available on our market. When a supermarket offers its customers a couple of fruity little numbers from Brazil, we scarcely raise an eyebrow

It seems, in other words, that the commercial jungle that wine has now become has not in the slightest deterred people from plunging adventurously into the thickets in order to taste and see. Consumer are no longer intimidated by the thought of needing to know their Pouilly-Fusse, just at the very moment when there is more to know than ever before.

The reason for this new mood of confidence is not hard to find. It is on every wine label from Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and the United States : the name of the grape from which the wine is made. At one time that might have sounded like a fairly technical approach in itself. Why should native English speakers know what Cabernet Sauvignon or Chardonnay were? The answer lies in the popularity that wines made from those grape varieties now enjoy. Consumers effectively recognize them as brand names, and have acquired a basic lexicon of wine that can serve them even when confronted with those Brazilian upstarts.

In the wine heartlands of France, they are scared to death of that trend-not because they think their wine isn’t as good as the best from California or South Australia (what French winemaker will ever admit that? ) but because they don’t traditionally call their wines Cabernet Sauvignon or Chardonnay. They call them Chateau Ducru- Beaucaillou or Corton-Charlemagne, and they aren’t about to change. Some areas, in the middle of southern France, have now produced a generation of growers using the varietal names on their labels and are tempting consumers back to French wine. It will be an uphill struggle, but there is probably no other way if France is to avoid simply becoming a speciality source of old- fashioned wines for old-fashioned connoisseurs.

Wine consumption was also given a significant boost in the early 1990s by the work of Dr. Serge Renaud, who has spent many years investigating the reasons for the uncannily low incidence of coronary heart disease in the south of France. One of his major findings is that the fat-derived cholesterol that builds up in the arteries and can eventually lead to heart trouble, can be dispersed by the tannins in wine. Tannin is derived from the skins of grapes, and is therefore present in higher levels in red wines, because they have to be infused with their skins to attain the red colour. That news caused a huge upsurge in red wine consumption in the United States. It has not been accorded the prominence it deserves in the UK, largely because the medical profession still sees all alcohol as a menace to health, and is constantly calling for it to be made prohibitively expensive. Certainly, the manufacturers of anticoagulant drugs might have something to lose if we all got the message that we would do just as well by our hearts by taking half a bottle of red wine every day!

 

Question. 1

The tone that the author uses while asking “What French winemaker will ever admit that” is best described as

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Which one of the following CANNOT be reasonably attributed to the labelling strategy followed by wine producers in Englishspeaking countries ?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which one of the following, if true, would provide most support for Dr. Renaud’s findings about the effect of tannins?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

The development which has created fear among winemakers in the wine heartlands of France is the

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

What according to the author should the French do to avoid becoming a producer of merely old-fashioned wines?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 40

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

If translated into English, most of the ways economists talk among themselves would sound plausible enough to poets, journalists, business people, and other thoughtful though non-economical folk. Like serious talk anywhere-among boat designers and baseball fans, say - the talk is hard to follow when one has not made a habit of listening to it for a while. The culture of the conversation makes the words arcane. But the people in the unfamiliar conversation are not Martians. Underneath it all (the economist’s favorite phrase) conversational habits are similar. Economics uses mathematical models and statistical tests and market arguments, all of which look alien to the literary eye. But looked at closely they are not so alien. They may be seen as figures of speech-metaphors, analogies, and appeals to authority.

Figures of speech are not mere frills. They think for us. Someone who thinks of a market as an “invisible hand” and the organization of work as a “production function” and his coefficients as being “significant”, as an economist does, is giving the language a lot of responsibility. It seems a good idea to look hard at his language.

If the economic conversation were found to depend a lot on its verbal forms, this would not mean that economics would be not a science, or just a matter of opinion, or some sort of confidence game. Good poets, though not scientists, are serious thinkers about symbols; good historians, though not scientists, are serious thinkers about data. Good scientists also use language. What is more (though it remains to be shown) they use the cunning of language, without particularly meaning to. The language used is a social object, and using language is a social act. It requires cunning (or, if you prefer, consideration), attention to the other minds present when one speaks.

The paying of attention to one’s audience is called “rhetoric”, a word that I later exercise hard. One uses rhetoric, of course, to warn of a fire in a theatre or to arouse the xenophobia of the electorate. This sort of yelling is the vulgar meaning of the word, like the president’s “heated rhetoric” in a press conference or the “mere rhetoric” to which our enemies stoop. Since the Greek flame was lit, though, the word has been used also in a broader and more amiable sense, to mean the study of all the ways of accomplishing things with language: inciting a mob to lynch the accused, to be sure, but also persuading readers of a novel that its characters breathe, or bringing scholars to accept the better argument and reject the worse.

The question is whether the scholar - who usually fancies himself an announcer of “results” or a stater of “conclusions” free of rhetoric - speaks rhetorically. Does he try to persuade? It would seem so. Language, I just said, is not a solitary accomplishment. The scholar doesn’t speak into the void, or to himself. He speaks to a community of voices. He desires to be heeded, praised, published, imitated, honored, en-Nobeled. These are the desires. The devices of language are the means.

Rhetoric is the proportioning of means to desires in speech. Rhetoric is an economics of language, the study of how scarce means are allocated to the insatiable desires of people to be heard. It seems on the face of it a reasonable hypothesis that economists are like other people in being talkers, who desire listeners whey they go to the library or the laboratory as much as when they go to the office on the polls. The purpose here is to see if this is true, and to see if it is useful: to study the rhetoric of economic scholarship.

The subject is scholarship. It is not the economy, or the adequacy of economic theory as a description of the economy, or even mainly the economist’s role in the economy. The subject is the conversation economists have among themselves, for purposes of persuading each other that the interest elasticity of demand for investment is zero or that the money supply is controlled by the Federal Reserve.

Unfortunately, though, the conclusions are of more than academic interest. The conversations of classicists or of astronomers rarely affect the lives of other people. Those of economists do so on a large scale. A well known joke describes a May Day parade through Red Square with the usual mass of soldiers, guided missiles, rocket launchers. At last come rank upon rank of people in gray business suits. A bystander asks, “Who are those?” “Aha!” comes the reply, “those are economists: you have no idea what damage they can do!” Their conversations do it.

Question. 1

Based on your understanding of the passage, which of the following conclusions would you agree with?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

As used in the passage, which of the following is the closest alternative to the word ‘arcane’?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

As used in the passage, which of the following is the closest meaning to the statement “The culture of the conversation makes the words arcane”?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

In the light of the definition of rhetoric given in the passage, which of the following will have the least element of rhetoric?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

According to the passage, which of the following is the best set of reasons for which one needs to “look hard” at an economist’s language?

A. Economists accomplish a great deal through their language

B. Economics is an opinion-based subject

C. Economics has a great impact on other’s lives

D. Economics is damaging

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 41

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

There are a seemingly endless variety of laws, restrictions, customs and traditions that affect the practice of abortion around the world. Globally, abortion is probably the single most controversial issue in the whole area of women’s rights and family matters. It is an issue that inflames women’s right groups, religious institutions, and the self-proclaimed “guardians” of public morality. The growing worldwide belief is that the right to control one’s fertility is a basic human right. This has resulted in a worldwide trend towards liberalization of abortion laws. Forty percent of the world’s population live in countries where induced abortion is permitted on request. An additional 25 percent live in countries where it is allowed if the women’s life would be endangered if she went to full term with her pregnancy. The estimate is that between 26 and 31 million legal abortions were performed in 1987. However, there were also between 10 and 22 million illegal abortions performed in that year.

Feminists have viewed the patriarchal control of women’s bodies as one of the prime issues facing the contemporary women’s movement. They observe that the definition and control of women’s reproductive freedom have always been the province of men. Patriarchal religion, as manifest in Islamic fundamentalism, traditionalist Hindu practice, orthodox Judaism, and Roman Catholicism, has been an important historical contributory factor for this and continues to be an important presence in contemporary societies. In recent times, governments, usually controlled by men, have “given” women the right to contraceptive use and abortion access when their countries were perceived to have an overpopulation problem. When these countries are perceived to be underpopulated, the right has been absent. Until the nineteenth century, a woman’s rights to an abortion followed English common law; it could only be legally challenged if there was a “quickening”, when the first movements of the foetus could be felt. In 1800, drugs to induce abortions were widely advertised in local newspapers. By 1900, abortion was banned in every state except to save the life of the mother. The change was strongly influenced by the medical profession, which focussed its campaign ostensibly on health and safety issues for pregnant women and the sanctity of life. Its position was also a means of control of non-licensed medical practitioners such as midwives and women healers who practice abortion.

The anti-abortion campaign was also influenced by political considerations. The large influx of eastern and southern European immigrants with their large families was seen as a threat to the population balance of the future United States. Middle and Upper class. Protestants were advocates of abortion as a form of birth control. By supporting abortion prohibitions the hope was that these Americans would have more children and thus prevent the tide of immigrant babies from overwhelming the demographic characteristics of Protestant America.

The anti-abortion legislative position remained in effect in the United States through the first sixty-five years of the twentieth century. In the early 1960s, even when it was widely known that the drug thalidomide taken during pregnancy to alleviate anxiety was shown to contribute to the formation of deformed “flipper-like” hands or legs of children, abortion was illegal in the United States. A second health tragedy was the severe outbreak of rubella during the same time period, which also resulted in major birth defects. These tragedies combined with a change of attitude towards a woman’s right to privacy lead a number of states to pass abortion-permitting legislation.

lation. On one side of the controversy are those who call themselves “pro-life”. They view the foetus as a human life rather than as an unformed complex of cells; therefore they hold to the belief that abortion is essentially murder of an unborn child. These groups cite both legal and religious reasons for their opposition to abortion. Pro-lifers point to the rise in legalized abortion figures and see this as morally intolerable. On the other side of the issue are those who call themselves “pro-choice”. They believe that women, not legislators or judges, should have the right to decide whether and under what circumstances they will bear children. Pro-choicers are of the opinion that laws will not prevent women from having abortions and cite the horror stories of the past when many women died at the hands of “backroom” abortionists and in desperate attempts to self-abort. They also observe that legalized abortion is especially important for rape victims and incest victims who became pregnant. They stress physical and mental health reasons why women should not have unwanted children.

To get a better understanding of the current abortion controversy, let us examine a very important work by Kristin Luker titled Abortion and the Politics of Motherhood. Luker argues that female pro-choice and pro-life activists hold different world views regarding gender, sex, and the meaning of parenthood. Moral positions on abortions are seen to be tied intimately to views on sexual behaviour, the care of children, family life, technology, and the importance of the individual. Luker identifies “pro-choice” women as educated, affluent, and liberal. Their contrasting counterparts “pro-life” women, support traditional concepts of women as wives and mothers. It would be instructive to sketch out the differences in the world views of these two sets of women. Luker examines California, with its liberalized abortion law, as a case history. Police documents and newspaper accounts over a twenty-year period were analyzed and over 200 interviews were held with both pro-life and pro-choice activists.

Luker found that pro-life and pro-choice activists have intrinsically different views with respect to gender, Pro-life women have a notion of public and private life. The proper place for men is in the public sphere of work; for women, it is the private sphere of the home. Men benefit through the nurturance of women; women benefit through the protection of men. Children are seen to be the ultimate beneficiaries of this arrangement by having the mother as a full-time loving parent and by having clear role models. Pro-choice advocates reject the view of separate spheres. They object to the notion of the home being the “women’s sphere”. Women’s reproductive and family roles are seen as potential barriers to full equality. Motherhood is seen as a voluntary, not a mandatory or “natural” role.

In summarizing her findings, Luker believes that women become activists in either of the two movements as the end result of lives that center around different conceptualizations of motherhood. Their beliefs and values are rooted to the concrete circumstances of their lives, their educations, incomes, occupations, and the different marital and family choices that they have made. They represent two different world views of women’s roles in contemporary society and as such the abortion issues represents the battleground for the justification of their respective views.

Question. 1

Historically, the pro-choice movement has got support from, among others

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

Two health tragedies affecting U.S. Society in the 1960s led to

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Pro-choice women object to the notion of the home being the “women’s sphere” because they believe

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

A pro-life woman would advocate abortion if

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

Which amongst these was not a reason for banning of abortions by 1900?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 6

According to your understanding of the author’s arguments which countries are more likely to allow abortion?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 42

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Democracy rests on a tension between two different principles. There is, on the one hand, the principle of equality before the law, or, more generally, of equality, and, on the other, what may be described as the leadership principle. The first fives priority to rules and the second to persons. No matter how skilfully we contrive our schemes, there is a point beyond which the one principle cannot be promoted without some sacrifice of the other.

Alexis de Tocqueville, the great nineteenth century writer on democracy, maintained that the age of democracy, whose birth he was witnessing would also be the age of mediocrity: in saying this he was thinking primarily of a regime of equality governed by impersonal rules. Despite his strong attachment to democracy, he took great pains to point out what he believed to be its negative side: a dead level plane of achievement in practically every sphere of life. The age of democracy would, in his view be an unheroic age, there would not be room in it for either heroes or hero-worshippers.

But modern democracies have not been able to do without heroes: this too was foreseen, with much misgiving, by Tocqueville. Tocqueville viewed this with misgiving because he believed, rightly, that unlike in aristocratic societies there was no proper place in a democracy for heroes and, hence, when they arose they would sooner or later turn into despots. Whether they require heroes or not, democracies certainly require leaders, and, in the contemporary age, breed them in great profusion; the problem is to know what to do with them.

In a world preoccupied with scientific rationality the advantages of a system based on an impersonal rule of law should be a recommendation with everybody. There is something orderly and predictable about such a system. When life is lived mainly in small self-contained communities, men are able to take finer personal distinctions into account in dealing with their fellow men. They are unable to do this in a large and amorphous society, and organised living would be impossible here without a system of impersonal rules. Above all, such a system guarantees a kind of equality to the extent that everybody, no matter in what station of life, is bound by the same explicit, often written, rules and nobody is above them.

But a system governed solely by impersonal rules can at best ensure order and stability; it cannot create any shinning vision of a future in which mere formal equality will be replaced by real equality and fellowship. A world governed by impersonal rules cannot easily change itself, or when it does, the change is so gradual as to make the basic and fundamental feature of society appear unchanged. For any kind of basic or fundamental change, a push is needed from within, a kind of individual initiative which will create new rules, new terms and conditions of life.

The issue of leadership thus acquires crucial significance in the context of change. If the modern age is preoccupied with scientific rationality, it is no less preoccupied with change. To accept what exists on its own terms is traditional not modern and it may be all very well to appreciate tradition in music, dance and drama, but for society as a whole the choice has already been made in favour of modernisation and development. Moreover, in some countries the gap between ideal and reality has become so great that the argument for development change is now irresistible.

In these countries no argument for development has greater appeal or urgency than the one which shows development to be the condition for the mitigation, if not the elimination, of inequality. There is something contradictory about the very presence of large inequalities in a society which professes to be democratic foes not take people too long to realise that democracy by itself can guarantee only formal equality; beyond this, it can only whet people’s appetite for real or substantive equality. From this arises their continued preoccupation with plans and schemes that will help to bridge the gap between the ideal of equality and the reality which is so contrary to it .

When preexisting rules give no clear directions of change, leadership comes into its own. Every democracy invests its leadership with a measure of charisma’ and expects from it a corresponding measure of energy and vitality. Now, the greater the urge for change in a society the stronger the appeal of a dynamic leadership in it. A dynamic leadership seeks to free itself from the constraints of existing rules; in a sense that is the test of its dynamism .In this process it may take a turn at which a turn at which it ceases to regard itself as being bound by these rules, placing itself above them. There is always a tension between ‘charisma’ and ‘discipline’ in the case of a democratic leadership, and when this leadership puts forward revolutionary claims, the tension tends to be resolved at the expense of discipline.

Characteristically, the legitimacy of such a leadership rests on its claim to be able to abolish or at least substantially reduce the existing inequalities in society. From the argument that formal equality or equality before the law is but a limited good, it is often one short step to the argument that it is a hindrance or an obstacle to the establishment of real or substantive equality. The conflict between a ‘progressive’ executive and a ‘conservative’ judiciary is but one aspect of this larger problem. This conflict naturally acquires added piquancy when the executive is elected and the judiciary appointed.

Question. 1

Which of the following four statements can be inferred form the above passage?

A. There is conflict between the pursuit of equality and individuality

B. The disadvantages of impersonal rules can be overcome in small communities

C. Despite limitations, impersonal rules are essential in large systems 

D. Inspired leadership, rather than plans and schemes, is more effective in bridging inequality

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

A key argument the author is making is that

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Tocqueville believed that the age of democracy would be an un-heroic age because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

Which of the following four statements can be inferred from the above passage?

A. Scientific rationality is an essential feature of modernity

B. Scientific rationality result in the development of impersonal rules

C. Modernisation and development have been chosen over traditional music, dance and drama.

D. Democracies aspire to achieve substantive equality

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

What possible factor would a dynamic leader consider a ‘hindrance’ in achieving the development goals of a nation?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 6

Dynamic leaders are needed in democracies because :

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 43

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

The union government’s present position vis-a-vis the upcoming United Nations conference on racial and related discrimination world-wide seems to be the following : discuss race please, not caste; caste is our very own and not at all as bad as you think. The gross hypocrisy of that position has been lucidly underscored by Kancha Ilaiah. Explicitly ,the world community is to be cheated out of considering the matter on the technicality that caste is not, as a concept, tantamount to a racial category. Internally, however, allowing the issue to be put on agenda at the said conference would, we are patriotically admonished, damage the country’s image. Somehow, India’s virtual beliefs elbow out concrete actualities. Inverted representations, as we know, have often been deployed in human histories as balm for the forsaken - religion being the most persistent of such inversions. Yet, we would humbly submit that if globalising our markets are thought good for the ‘national ‘pocket, globalising our social inequities might not be so bad for the mass of our people. After all, racism was as uniquely institutionalised in South Africa as caste discrimination has been within our society; why then can’t we permit the world community to express itself on the latter with a fraction of the zeal with which, through the years, we pronounced on the former?

As to the technicality about whether or not caste is admissible into an agenda about race (that the conference is also about ‘related discriminations’ tends to be forgotten ), a reputed sociologist has recently argued that where race is a ‘biological’ category caste is a ‘social’ one. Having earlier fiercely opposed implementation of the Mandal Commission Report, the said sociologist is at least to be complemented now for admitting, however tangentially, that caste discrimination is a reality, although, in his view ,incompatible with racial discrimination. One would like quickly to offer the hypothesis that biology ,in important ways that affect the lives of many millions, is in itself perhaps a social construction .But let us look at the matter in another way.

If it is agreed - as per the position today at which anthropological and allied scientific determinations rest -that the entire race of homo sapiens derived from an originary black African female (called ‘Eve’) then one is hard put to understand how, on some subsequent ground ,ontological distinctions are to drawn either between races or castes. Let us also underline the distinction between the supposition that we are all god’s children and the rather more substantiated argument about our descent from ‘Eve’ lest both positions are thought to be equally diversionary. It than stands to reason that all subsequent distinctions are, in modern parlance, ‘constructed’ ones, and, like all ideological constructions, attributable to changing equations between knowledge and power among human communities contested histories here, there elsewhere.

This line of thought receives ,thankfully ,extremely consequential butters from the findings of the Human Genome project. Contrary to earlier (chiefly 19th century colonial) persuasions on the subject of race, as well as, one might add, the somewhat infamous Jensen offerings in the 20th century from America ,those findings deny genetic difference between ‘races’ .If anything, they suggest that environmental factors impinge on gene-function, as a dialectic seems to unfold between nature and culture. It would thus seem that ‘biology’ as the constitution of pigmentation enters the picture first only as a part of that dialectic. Taken together, the originary mother stipulations the Genome findings ought indeed to furnish ground for human equality across the board, as well as yield policy initiatives towards equitable material dispensations aimed at building a global order where, in Hegel’s stirring formulation, only the rational constitutes the right. Such ,sadly, is not the case as everyday fresh arbitrary grounds for discrimination are constructed in the interests of sectional dominance.

Question. 1

As important message in the passage, of one accepts a dialectic between nature and culture, is that :

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

According to the author, the sociologist who argued that race is a ‘biological’ category and caste is a ‘social’ one:

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Based on the passage, which broad areas unambiguously fall under the purview of the UN conference being discussed ?

A. Racial prejudice                                                      B. Racial pride

C. Discrimination, racial or otherwise                            D. Caste related discrimination \

E. Race related discrimination

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

According to the author, ‘inverted ‘representations as balm for the forsaken

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

When the author writes “globalising our social inequities” the reference is to :

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 44

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

The story begins as the European pioneers crossed the Alleghenies and started to settle in the Midwest. The land they found was covered with forests. With incredible effort they felled the trees, pulled the stumps and planted their crops in the rich, loamy soil. When they finally reached the western edge of the place we now call Indiana, the forest stopped and ahead lay a thousand miles of the great grass prairie. The European were puzzled by this new environment. Some even called it the ‘Great Desert”. It seemed untillable. The earth was often very wet and it was covered with centuries of tangled and matted grasses. With their cast iron plows, the settlers found that the prairie sod could after a few years of tugging. The iron plow was a useless tool to farm the prairie soil. The pioneers were stymied for nearly two decades. Their western march was halted and they filled in the eastern regions of the Midwest.

In 1837, a blacksmith in the town of Grand Detour, Illinois, invented a new tool. His name was John Deere and the tool was a plow made of steel. It was sharp enough to cut through matted grasses and smooth enough to cast off the mud. It was sharp enough to cut through matted grasses and smooth enough to cast off the mud. It was a simple tool, the “sod buster’ that opened the great prairies to agricultural development.

Sauk County, Wisconsin is the part of that prairie where I have a home. It is name after the Sauk Indians. In 1673, Father Marquette was the first European to lay his eyes upon their land. He found a village laid out in regular patterns on a plain beside the Wisconsin river. He called the place Prairie du sac. The village was surrounded by field that had provided maize, beans and squash for the Sauk people for generations reaching back into the unrecorded time.

When the European settlers arrived at the Sauk prairie in 1837, the government forced the native Sauk people west of the Mississippi river. The settlers came with John Deere’s new invention and used the tool to open the area to a new kind of agriculture. They ignored the traditional ways of the Sauk Indians and used their sod-busting tool for planting wheat. Initially, the soil was generous and the farmers thrived. However each year the soil lost more of its nurturing power. It was only thirty years after the Europeans arrived with their new technology that the land was depleted. Wheat farming become uneconomic and tens of thousands of farmers left Wisconsin seeking new land with sod to bust.

It took the European and their new technology just one generation to make their homeland into a desert. The Sauk Indians who knew how to sustain themselves on the Sauk prairie land were banished to another kind of desert called a reservation. And they even forgot about the techniques and tools that has sustained them on the prairie for generations unrecorded. And that is how it was that three deserts were created-Wisconsin, the reservation and the memories of a people. A century later, the land of the Sauks is now populated by the children of a second wave of European farmers who learned to replenish the soil through the regenerative powers of dairying, ground cover and animal manures. These third and fourth generation farmers and townspeople do not realise, however, that a new settler is coming soon with an invention as powerful as John Deere’s plow.

The new technology is called ‘bereavement counselling. It is a tool forged at the great state university, an innovative technique to meet the needs of those experiencing the death of a loved one, a tool that can “process” the grief of the people who now live on the prairie of the Sauk. As one can imagine the final days of the village of the Sauk Indians before the arrival of the settlers with John Deere’s plow, one can also imagine these final days, before the arrival of the first bereavement counsellor at Prairie du Sac. In these final days, the farmers and the towns people mourn at the death of a mother, brother, son or friend. The bereaved is joined by neighbours and kin. They meet grief together in lamentation, prayer and song. They call upon the words of the clergy and surround themselves in community.

It is in these ways that they grieve and then go on with life. Through their mourning they are assured of the bonds between them and renewed in the knowledge that this death is a part of Prairie of the Sauk. Their grief is common property, an anguish from which the community draws strength and gives the bereaved the courage to move ahead.

It is into this prairie community that the bereavement counsellor arrives with the new grief technology. The counsellor calls the invention a service and assures the prairie folk of its effectiveness and superiority by invoking the name of the great university while displaying a diploma and certificate. At first, we can imagine that the local people will be puzzled by the bereavement counsellor’s claim. However, the counsellor will tell a few of them that the new technique is merely to assist the bereaved’s community at the time of death. To some other prairie folk who are isolated or forgotten, the counsellor will approach the County Board and advocate the right to treatment for these unfortunate souls. This right will be guaranteed by the Boards’s decision to reimburse those too poor to pay for counselling services. There will be others, schooled to believe in the innovative new tools certified by universities and medical centres, who will seek out the bereavement counsellor by force of habit. And one of these people will tell a bereaved neighbour who is unschooled that unless his grief is processed by a counsellor, he will probably have major psychological problems in later life. Several people will begin to use the bereavement counsellor because since the County Board now taxes them to insure access to the technology, they feel that to fail to be counselled is to waste their, and to be denied a benefit, or even a right.

Finally, one day, the aged father of a Sauk woman will die. And the next door neighbour will not drop by because he doesn’t want to interrupt the bereavement counsellor. The woman’s kin will stay home because they will have learned that only the bereavement counsellor known how to process grief the proper way. The local clergy will seek technical assistance form the bereavement counsellor to learn the correct form of service to deal with guilt and grief. And the grieving daughter will know that it is the best bereavement counsellor who really cares for her because only the bereavement counsellor comes when death visits this family on the Prairie of the Sauk.

It will be only one generation between the bereavement counsellor arrives and the community of mourners disappears. The counsellor’s new tool will cut through the social fabric, throwing aside kinship, care, neighbourly obligations and community ways of coming together and going on.

Like John Deere’s plow, the tools of bereavement counselling will create a desert where a community once flourished. And finally, even the bereavement counsellor will see this impossibility of restoring hope in clients once they are genuinely alone with nothing but a service for consolation. In the inevitable failure of the service, the bereavement counsellor will find the deserts even in herself.

Question. 1

Which one of the following parallels between the plow and bereavement counselling is not claimed by the author?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

According to the author, people will begin to utilise the service of the bereavement counsellor because; 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Which of the following does the ‘desert’ in the passage refer to?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

The Prairie was a great puzzlement for the European pioneers because

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

According to the author, the bereavement counsellor is :

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 6

Due to which of the following reasons, according to the author, will the bereavement counsellor find the deserts even in herself?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 7

According to the passage, bereavement handling traditionally involves :

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 8

Which one of the following best describes the approach of the author ?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 45

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

Since World War II, the nation-state has been regarded with approval by every political system and every ideology. In the name of modernisation in the West, or socialism in the Eastern Bloc, and of development in the Third World, it was expected to guarantee the happiness of individuals as citizens and of people as societies. However, the state today appears to have broken down in many parts of the world. It has failed to guarantee either security or social justice, and has been unable to prevent either international wars or civil wars. Disturbed by the claims of communities within it, the nation-state tries to represent their demands and to proclaim itself as the only guarantor of security of all. In the name of national unity, territorial integrity, equality of all citizens and non-partisan secularism, the state can use its powerful resources to reject the demands of the communities; it may even go far as genocide to ensure that order prevails.

As one observes the awakening of communities in different parts of the world, one cannot ignore the context in which identity issues arise. It is no longer a context of sealed frontiers an isolated regions but is one of integrated global systems. In reaction to this trend towards globalisation, individuals and communities everywhere are voicing their desire to exist, to use their power of creation and to play an active part in national and international life.

There are two ways in which the current upsurge in demands for the recognition of identities can be looked at. On the positive side, the efforts by certain population groups to assert their identity can be regarded as “liberation movements”, challenging oppression and injustice. What these groups are doing-proclaiming that are different, rediscovering the rots of their culture or strengthening group solidarity-may accordingly be seen as legitimate attempts to escape from their state of subjugation and enjoy a certain measure of dignity. On the downside, however, militant action for recognition tends to make such groups more deeply entrenched in their attitude and make their cultural compartments even more water tight. The assertion of identity then starts turning into self absorption and isolation, and is liable to slide into intolerance of others and towards ideas of “ethnic cleansing”, xenophobia and violence.

Whereas continuous variations among peoples prevent drawing of clear dividing lines between the groups, those militating for recognition of their group’s identity arbitrarily choose a limited number of criteria such as religion, language, skin colour, and place of origin so that their members recognise themselves primarily in terms of the labels attached to the group whose existence is being asserted. The distinction between the group in question and other groups is established by simplifying the feature selected. Simplification also works by transforming groups into essences, abstractions endowed with the capacity to remain unchanged through time. In some cases, people actually act as though the group remained unchanged and talk for example, about the history of nations and communities as if these entities survived for centuries without changing, with the same way of acting and thinking the same desires, anxieties, and aspirations.

Paradoxically, precisely because identity represents a simplifying fiction, creating uniform groups out of disparate people, that identity performs a cognitive function. It enables us to put names to ourselves and others, from some idea of who we are and who others are, and ascertain the place we occupy along with others in the society. The current upsurge to assert the identity of groups can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said people can thus be partly explained by the cognitive function performed by identity. However, that said people would not go along as they do, often in large numbers, with the propositions put to them, in spite of the sacrifices they entail, if there was not a very strong feeling of need for identity, a need to take stock of things and know “ who we are “, where we come from”, and where we are going.

Identity is thus a necessity in a constantly changing world, but it can also be potent source of violence and disruption. How can these contradictory aspects of identity be reconciled? First, we must bear the arbitrary nature of identity categories in mind, not with the view to eliminating all forms of identification which would be unrealistic since identity is cognitive necessity- but simply to remind ourselves that each of has several identities at the same time. Second, since tears of nostalgia are being shed over the past, we recognise that culture is being constantly recreated by cobbling together fresh and original elements and counter-cultures. There are in our country a large number of syncretic cults wherein modern elements are blended with traditional values or people of different communities venerate saints or divinities of particular faiths. Such cults and movements are characterised by continual inflow and outflow of members which prevent them from taking a self perpetuating existence of their own and hold out hope for the future, indeed, perhaps for the only possible future. Finally, the nation state must respond to the identity urges of its constituent communities and to their legitimate quest for security and social justice. It must do so by inventing what the French philosopher and sociologist, Raymond Aron, called “peace through law”, That would guarantee justice to both the state as a whole and its parts, and respect the claims of both reasons and emotions. The problem is one of reconciling nationalist demands with exercise of democracy.

Question. 1

Which of the following views of the nation state cannot be attributed to the author

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

According to the author, the nation state

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

Going by the author’s exposition of the nature of identity, which of the following statements is untrue?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

Demands for recognition of identities can be viewed

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

According to the author, happiness of individuals was expected to be guaranteed in the name of

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 46

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

The World Trade Organisation (WTO) was created in the early 1990s as a component of the Uruguay Round negotiation. However, it could have been negotiated as part of the Tokyo Round of the 1970s, since that negotiation was an attempt at a ‘constitutional reform’ of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Or it could have been put off to the future, as the US Government wanted. What factors led to the creation of the WTO in the early 1990s?

One factor was the pattern of multilateral bargaining that developed late into the Uruguay Round. Like all complex international agreements, the WTO was a product of a series of trade-offs between principal factors and groups. For the United States, which did not want a new organisation, the dispute settlement part of the WTO package achieved its longstanding goal of a more effective and a more legal dispute settlement less in political terms and more as a regime of legal obligations, the WTO package was acceptable as a means to discipline the resort to unilateral measures by the United States. Countries like Canada and other middle and smaller trading partners were attracted due to the provisions banning unilateral measures. Finally, and perhaps most important, many countries at the Uruguay Round came to put a higher priority on the export gains than on the import losses that the negotiation would produce, and they came to associate the WTO and a rule-based system with those gains. This reasoning — replicated in many countries — was contained in U.S. Ambassador Kantor’s defence of the WTO, and it amounted to a recognition that international trade and its benefits cannot be enjoyed unless trading nations accept the discipline of a negotiated rules-based environment.

A second factor in the creation of the WTO was pressure from the lawyers and the legal process. The dispute settlement system of the WTO was seen as a victory of legalists over pragmatists but the matter went deeper than that. The GATT, and the WTO, are contract organisations based on rules, and it is inevitable that an oragnisation created to further rules will in turn be influenced by the legal process. Robert Hudec has written of the momentum of legal development’, but what is this precisely? Legal development can be defined as promotion of technical legal values of consistency, clarity (or, certainty) and effectiveness; these are values that those responsible for administering any legal system will seek to maximise. As it played out in the WTO, consistency meant integrating under one roof the whole lot of separate agreements signed under GATT auspices; clarity meant removing ambiguities about the powers of contracting parties to make certain decisions or to undertake waivers; and effectiveness meant eliminating exceptions arising out of grandfather-right and resolving defects in dispute settlement procedures and institutional provisions. Concern for these values is inherent in any rule-based system of cooperation, since operation, since without these values rules would be meaningless in the first place. Rules, therefore, create their own incentive for fulfillment.

The momentum of legal development has occurred in other institutions besides the GATT, most notably in the European Union (EU). Over the past two decades the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has consistently rendered decisions that have expanded incrementally the EU’s internal market, in which the doctrine of ‘mutual recognition’ handed down in the case Cassi De Dijon in 1979 was a key turning point. The court is now widely recognised as a major player in European integration, even though arguably such a strong role was not originally envisaged in the Treaty of Rome, which initiated the current European Union. On means the court used to expand integration was the ‘teleological method of interpretation’, whereby the actions of member states were evaluated against ‘ the accomplishment of the most elementary community goals set forth in the Preamble to the [Rome] treaty’. The teleological method represents an effort to keep current policies consistent with stated rules. In both cases legal concerns and procedures are an independent force for further cooperation.

In large part the WTO was an exercise in consolidation. In the context of a trade negotiation that created a near- revolutionary expansion of international trade rules, the formation of the WTO was a deeply conservative act needed to ensure that the benefits of the new rules would not be lost. The WTO was all about institutional structure and dispute settlement: these are the concerns of conservatives and not revolutionaries, which is why lawyers and legalists took the lead on these are the concerns of conservatives and not revolutionaries, which is why lawyers and legalists took the lead on these issues. The WTO codified the GATT institutional practice that had developed by custom over three decades, and it incorporated a new dispute settlement system that was necessary to keep both old and new rules form becoming sham. Both the international structure and the dispute settlement system were necessary to preserve and enhance the integrity of the multilateral trade regime that had been built incrementally from the 1940s to the 1990s.

Question. 1

The importance of Cassis de Dijon is that it.

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

In the statement “....It amounted to a recognition that international trade and its benefits cannot be enjoyed unless trading nations accept the discipline of a negotiated rules based environment”, it refers to

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 3

In the method of interpretation of the European Court of Justice,

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 4

According to the passage, WTO promoted the technical legal values partly through

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 5

The most likely reason for the acceptance of the WTO package by nations was that

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 6

What could be the closest reason why the WTO was not formed in the 1970s?

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Comprehension. 47

Direction for the questions: Read the passage carefully and answer the given questions accordingly.

The end of mutual funds, when it came, was sudden but not unexpected. For over 10 years mutual fund has been scripting its own growth demise, embarking on a reckless course of high risk, unhealthy pastimes, and unchecked maladies. Ironically but fittingly too, the very hand that had supported and sustained it through the turbulent early period of its existence was the one that, finally wielded the euthanasian syringe. The individual investor it was who had made the mutual fund post-liberalisation India’s most vibrant vehicle for individual investment. The individual investor it was who brought the curtain down on an act that had started with a virtuoso performance, only to putrefy into a show of ineptitude, imprudence, and irresponsibility.

The mutual fund, as we know it, may be dead. It died of many things. But primarily, of a cancer that ate away at its innards. A cancer that destroyed the value of he investments the mutual funds had made to service the Rs. 85,000 crore that India’s investors had entrusted them with ever since they began life way back in 1964 as the Unit Trust of India (UTI) now-disgraced Unit Scheme 64 (US64). A cancer that grew from the refusal of the men and women to manage the mutual fund to exercise a mixture of caution and aggression, but to adopt, instead, and indisciplined, unplanned, fire-from the hip approach to investment. A cancer that, ultimately, robbed the mutual funds of the resources they would have to use to pay back their investors, leaving them on Death Row.

Indeed, the scandal that US-64 had been brewing for years, was only one, but not the first, of the warning-bells that pointed to the near emptiness of many a mutual funds’ coffers. In quick succession have emerged reports of more and more fund-schemes that have been laid bare, their corpuses empty, their ability to meet their promises of assured returns-to investors demolished. At least 37% of the 235 fund schemes in operation in the country have promised investors assured returns of over 15% for 5 years, and repurchaseprices well above their Net Asset Values (NAVs).

According to a study conducted by the Delhi based Value Research, at least 18 big schemes due for redemption over the next 3 years will be unable to service their investors, or even return their money at the time of redemption. The shortfall? Rs 4,685.10 crore, Or, 75.87% of the amount handed over by trusting investors to fund managers. Worries Ajai Kaul, 38 President, Alliance Capital Asset Management. “When an assured-returns scheme runs into problems, investors view it as one more let-down by the mutual funds.”

Had they but known of the actual practices seen in the offices and hallways of the mutual funds, which have translated into these results, investors would have shown their disgust long ago. Take the case of a mutual fund company that manages more than a dozen schemes. According to an unwritten, but formalised, principle each scheme takes it in turn to sell some of its holdings to its sisterschemes, booking fat notional gains and posting NAVs. While investors responded by pouring in even more of their savings, the profits were, clearly, only on paper, In the offices of another asset management company half way across Mumbai, the demand for cellular phone peaked 6 months ago.

Its employees had, suddenly, realized that making their personal deals, using information gathered in the course of their professional work, was best done over cell phones so that the company’s records wouldn’t show the cell being made. Obviously, the hot tips went to fatten their - and not investors’-pockets. Earlier, quite a few merchant bankers entered the mutual funds industry to use the corpus to subscribe to the issues they were lead managing. It took a crash in the primary market-not ethics or investigation-for this practice to stop.

Filled with fear and loathing -and righteous anger- the investor has, therefore, decided to adjure the mutual fund. According to marketing and Development Research Associates (MDRA) opinion poll of 342 investors conducted last fortnight in the 5 metros of Bangalore, Calcutta, Chennai, Delhi, and Mumbai, mutual funds as an investment instrument now rank a lowly fourth on safety-after bank deposits, gold and real estate-and fifth on returns-ahead only of bank deposits and gold. And only 14.20% of the sample will even consider investing in a mutual fund in the future.

Still, it is the species that has died, not its every member. The ones that have survived are the bright performers who beat the market benchmark- the 100-scrip Bombay stock Exchange (BSE) National index- by the widest margins within their 3 genres, growth income and balance. However even their star turns have not been able to stave off the stench of death over the business. In fact, an autopsy of the late -- and, at the moment not particularly lamented -- mutual fund reveals a sordid saga of callousness and calumny.

Sheer disaster stares the mutual funds in the face, and a cataclysm could destroy the savings of lakhs of investors too. A Value Research estimate of probable shortfall that 18 assured-returns schemes will face at the time of their scheduled redemptions over the next 3 year adds up to a sense-numbing Rs. 4,685 crore. An independent audit of the 60 assured-returns schemes managed by the public sector mutual funds. Conducted by Price Waterhouse Coopers at the behest of the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEB), estimated a shortfall of between Rs.2,500 crore and Rs.3,000 crore. In 1999 alone, judging from their present NAVs, the four schemes due for redemption-Canbank Asset Management Company’s Cantriple, IndBank Asset Management Company’s Ind Prakash, SBI Funds Managements’s Magnum Triple Plus, and BOI Mutual Funds’s (BOIMF) Double Square Plus---are heading for a collective shortfall of Rs. 1,639.55 crore.

As of June 30, 1998 the country’s 252 fund-schemes managed assets with a market value of Rs.69,599 crore, with the UTI alone controlling the fate of Rs. 50.000 crore. That is Rs. 11,000 crore less than the money invested in these schemes as of June 30, 1997 which means that the mutual funds have wiped out Rs.11,000 crore from the investors’ hard earned money in the intervening 12 months. Of course, every fund is paying for the sins of the black sheep. For, the villain of peace was the UTI and the 95 funds managed by the public sector banks and institutions, the value of whose corpuses fell from Rs. 66,748 crore to Rs. 57,350 crore in the past year. In fact these funds contributed 85.405 of the overall values-loss ,with the private sector funds boosting their corpuses form Rs. 4000 crore to lower the extent of the erosion.

For investors, that has translated into an option of either exiting at a loss- or holding on in vain hope. On Nov. 20,1998, a depressing 77% of the 58 listed fund schemes were quoting at discounts of between 5% and 40% to their NAVS. And what of the NAVs themselves? The units of a shoulder-slumping 15% of the schemes were worth less than their par values. And US-64 of course continued to languish, with an estimated NAV of Rs.9.68. Even if there are schemes that have performed individually well, that the mutual funds have collectively failed to deliver couldn’t be more obvious. So investors’ murderous mood can hardly be debated.

Their genesis and growth reveals just what blinded the mutual funds to the possibility of failure. 40 % of the banks-and - insurance companies promoted funds in operation were launched between 1987 and 1993, when the stock markets were bull-dominated. In a period that saw only one bear phase, the BSE Sensitivity index (a.k.a the Sensex) climbed by 346%. Being successful with equity investments required no skills; only investable funds. Nor was fund-raising a problem, as investors desperately sought ways to grab a piece of equity boom. Between 1984 and 1989, the mutual funds collected Rs. 13,455 crore as subscriptions, but in the next 5 years, they picked up Rs.45,573 crore.

In January, 1994, the UTI’s Mastergain mopped up a stunning Rs. 4,700 crore while the most awaited Morgan Stanley Growth-a showcase for the fabled fund-management metier of the foreign mutual funds-took in Rs. 1000 crore in just 3 days. Low entry barriers - a so called sound track record, a general reputation of fairness and integrity, an application-fee of Rs. 25,000 a registration fee of Rs. 25 lakh and an annual fee of Rs. 2.50 lakh-made entering the business a snap. Explains Ajay Srinivasan, 34 CEO, Prudential ICICI Mutual fund: “Mutual funds were misunderstood by investors. Everyone thought they were a one way ticket to a jackpot.”

Intoxicated fund-managers poured in more and more of their corpuses into equity, ignoring the down sides, confident that the boom would last forever. In the process, they ignored the very concept of risk-management. Blithely ignoring the safety net of fixed income instruments, and accusing those who advised caution of being cowards. In 1995, for instance, ABN estimated 70% of the money being managed by the mutual funds had been funneled into equity. Whether they knew it or not, they were breaking away from the trend set by the mutual funds in the US, where the industry began by investing primarily in the money market, with only 25% of their corpus set aside for stocks. Only in the past 15 years, after operating for more than 7 decades, have those funds ventured into equity.

Unfortunately, their success blinded the fund-mangers to the fact that they were riding a wave-not navigating the treacherous seas. As Vivek Reddy, 36, CEO, Kothari-Pioneer Mutual Fund, puts it: “It was the stock market conditions that helped the mutual funds deliver returns- not superior investment skills.” Then, the stock markets collapsed and never quite recovered. Between July, 1997 and October, 1998, the sensex free fell from 4306 to 2812 finally nullifying the theory that if you wait long enough, share-prices are always bound to rise. And the mutual fund, unused to a diet of falling equity indices, collapsed too.

The quantum of money mopped by the mutual fund may suggest that the reports of its extinction have been greatly exaggerated. In 1997-98, Indians entrusted Rs. 18,701 crore to the mutual funds, with new schemes alone mopping up Rs. 12,279 crore. Questions R G Sharma, 58, CEO LIC Mutual fund : “ How do you explain that Dhanvarsha 12 and Dhanvarsha 13, floated in April and September, 1998 managed to mop Rs.335 crore ?’ Not quite a loss of faith, would you say? Think again. In those 12 months, those very investors also took away Rs. 16,227 crore in the form of repurchases and redemptions, leaving only Rs. 2,474 crore more in the hands of fundmanagers. What’s more, since none of the withdrawals could have been made from the new schemes, the old schemes, obviously, gave it all up, effectively yielding Rs. 9,0805 crore to angry investors who took away their money. It is same story this year. In the first quarter of 1998-99, old schemes collected Rs. 2,340 crore, compared to the new schemes’ Rs. 1,735 crore but they gave up Rs. 2, 749 crore ending up Rs. 409 crore poorer.

Sure some people are still putting money into he mutual funds. The real reason : money is flowing in from two genres of investors-neither of whom is the quintessential urban. The first comprises people in the semi-urban and rural areas. For whom makes like LIC and GIC still represent safety and assured schemes of income importantly, this category investor isn’t clued into the financial markets, and is not, accordingly aware of the problems that confront the mutual funds. Confirms Nikhil Khatau, 38 Managing director, Sun F&C Asset Management: “That market is fairly stable.” However as soon as the fundamental problems hit their dividend paying ability, even the die hard mutual fund investor from India’s villages and small towns-who don’t forget, has already been singed by the disappearance of thousands of Non Banking Finance Companies-will swear off their favorite investment vehicle.

The second genre of investor explains why the private sector funds have been successful in soaking up large sums: 31.10% of the total takings in 1997-98, and 10.70% in the first quarter of 1998-99. They are the so called high net worth players-corporate and individuals who in Khatau’s terms,” While their fastidiousness has forced them to pick the private sector mutual funds., whose disclosures and performance have both been ahead of their public sector cousins, their interest does not represent every investor’s disillusionment.

Question. 1

According to the passage, one of the reasons for the euphoria in the mutual fund industry can be attributed to 

(a) (b) (c) (d)
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Question. 2

On the basis of the passage, it may be said that, in terms of retrieving their money, the investors

(a) (b) (c) (d)